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PRO CEEDHSTGS 



OP THE 



DEMOCRATIC STATE 



CONVENTION, 



.CJu^jfi, Vv6vt«-Va.\ 



VvX^at- LUn, 



HELD IN -ALBANY, 



January 31, and February 1, 1861. 








ALBANY : 

COMSTOCK & CASSIDY, PUNTERS. 
1861. 



7T" 



£44° 

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J 



DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION. 



The Convention of the Democracy of the State of New York, assembled at Tweddle 
Hall, in the City of Albany, on Thursday, January 31st, 1861, at 11 o'clock, A. M., 
pursuant to a call of the State Central Committee. 

The body of the spacious Hall was filled with delegates, who were admitted on tick- 
ets. Over seven hundred of the leading statesmen and citizens of the Empire State 
were present, forming a deliberative body which, in point of ability and character, haa 
never had its equal in the history of the State. 

At half-past 11 o'clock, Mr. Peter Cagger, Secretary of the Democratic State Cen- 
tral Committee, called the Convention to order. 

Mr. Driggs, of Kings, nominated Ex-Governor Church, of Orleans, as temporary 
Chairman of the Convention^ 

The motion was adopted amidst loud applause. 

Governor Church, on taking the Chair, said : 

Gentlemen of the Convention: — I return to you my sincere thanks for the honor you 
have conferred upon me, in selecting me to preside temporarily over the deliberations of 
this Convention. Although we have been called together as members of a political 
organization, we have not come here as political partisans, or for the advancement of 
any party purpose whatsoever. [Loud applause.] Our beloved country is in imminent 
peril, and we have assembled, I trust, in a spirit of patriotism and fraternal regard, to 
contribute something by our advice and influence in restoring the peace of the country, 
and preserving and perpetuating this glorious heritage bequeathed to us by our Revolu- 
tionaiy sires. [Loud cheers ] I beg to invoke, gentlemen, of the Convention, on your 
part, that spirit of conciliation and forbearance which animated our fathers when they 
hud the foundation of our government, and which should ever characterize the proceed- 
ings of those who are engaged in so patriotic and holy a purpose. [Loud applause.] 

Gentlemen of the Convention, what is your further pleasure ? The first business of 
the Convention should be to appoint temporary Secretaries. 

Henry McCluSKY, of Kings; John' A. Griswold, of Rensselaer; Doct, A. "White, 
of Cayuga; H. A. Reeves, of Suffolk; and E. 0. Perrin, of Kings, were chosen as 
temporary Secretaries. 

Judge Gray, of Chemung, said: 

Mr. Chairman — Before proceeding to pass upon the seats that may be contested in this 
Convention, or to call the roll of delegates, I beg to express the hope that no delegate 
who has been sent here by any constituency that may have responded to the call of the 
State Democratic Committee, will be excluded from a seat on this door. We all are 
aware that in the city of New York, two sets of delegates have been elected, and for 



the purpose of settling that contest with all harmony and in a spirit of conciliation and 
impartiality, I have prepared a resolution which I shall beg to submit to the judgment 
•of the Convention. I understand that at former periods, in the two Democratic State 
•Conventions of 1859 and 18G0, the question of the regularity of the respective organiza- 
tions whose representatives now appear in this hall, was settled by those Conventions. 
I do not propose to interfere witli anything that has been settled by former Conventions, 
or to settle anew here, any question of regularity in the Democratic party of any porr 
tion of the State. I propose to take and to keep out of this Convention all such matters 
of dispute, and every question that can tend to disturb the harmony of this body. To 
that end, I offer the following resolution: 

Resolved, That without intending to impair the decisions of previous Conventions 
which have determined the organization of Tammany Hall, to be the regular organiza- 
tion of the Democratic party of the city of New York, this Convention, in the present 
great public exigency, and the peculiar nature and objects of this body, deem it expe- 
dient to admit to seats all delegates and alternates from the city of New York, and the 
other districts and counties of the State. 

Mr. Mabbitt would prefer to amend the resolution by .admitting without question, all 
the delegates who appear here from all parts of the State. 

Judge Dean, of New York, moved to amend the resolution, by striking out the 
preamble. It is not, he said, an historical fact that the Democratic Convention of 1S60, 
recognized the regularity of Tammany Hall, as the organization of the Democracy of the 
city of New York. It is not of any consequence to this Convention what may have 
been the action of any other body, on a question of local character. I come here, sir, 
representing no particular organization, but to speak for and to act with the great De- 
mocratic Party of the State in this hour of gloom and peril, — in response to the call of 
the State Committee — which is represented by one gentleman belonging to the Tammany 
organization and by another gentleman belonging to the organization known as Mozart 
Hall. I want, in this Convention, to keep out every disturbing element. 

Mr. Elijah F. Purdy, of New York, rose to a point of order. The gentleman from 
New York, whose seat is contested, has no right to make any motion.in the Convention. 
A voice — so is yours. 

Loud cries of "order," "order," followed by cries for "Dean." 

The Chair: As the point of order has been raised, the Chair feels bound to decide 
that no motion is imorder made by a delegate whose seat is contested, until the question 
as to his right to admission has been decided. 

Judge Dean : I appear as a delegate from New York, and no contestant to my seat 
has regularly appeared, to my knowledge. However, I am willing to waive the pointi 
only remarking that if I am out of order, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Purdy), 
is not the proper person to call me to order, as his own seat is contested. 

Hon Eli Cook, of Erie, renewed the point of order. 

Some confusion followed — several delegates desiring to obtain the floor ; but the pre- 
vious question was demanded on Judge Gray's. resolution, and ordered. 

Mr. Guam', of Oswego, appealed to the mover of the resolution, to withdraw the first 
.portion of it, and to allow the vote to be taken simply on the admission of all the 
delegates. 

Judge Gray: If the resolution is distinctly read, and its full meaning understood by 
the Convention, it will be seen that it does not seek to interfere with what has already 
been done in regard to the regularity of these organizations by former Conventions, or 
to do anything new. The desire of its mover was to leave all parties in statu quo, and 
this was deemed to be just to all. 



Hon. Arphaxed Looms desired to know if the question was divisible. 

The Chair: The previous question having been ordered, all debate and all amend- 
ments are out of order, but the resolutions being susceptible of division can be divided 
on the demand of a member. 

Mr. Loomis then called for a division of the question, so as to take the vote first on 
that portion reciting the action of former Conventions as to the regularity of the Tam- 
many organization. 

A Delegate: Is it in order to move to lay the resolution on the table? 

The Chair: It is not in order, the previous question having been demanded. 

The question on the first portion of the resolution was then put, the ayes and nays 
being called, but, before the calling of the roll was completed. 

Judge Gray took the floor and asked the consent of the Convention to make a pro- 
position for the purpose of settling the pending question harmoniously and to the satis- 
faction of all. He desired, with the unanimous consent of the Convention, to withdraw 
the resolution now before it, and to offer as a substitute the following: 

Resolved, Thathvthe judgment of this Convention, in view of the present public exi- 
gencies and the peculiar nature and objects of this body, it is expedient to admit to seats 
all delegates and alternates who may have been sent here, without entering into or 
determining any question of regularity of organization or prejudicing thereby the deci- 
sion of any previous Democratic Conventions as to questions of organization. 

Loud applause greeted the reading of the resolution, and unanimous consent having 
been given for the withdrawal of the pending resolution, the substitute was adopted 
amidst manifestations of enthusiasm. 

Mr. Belmont, of New York, on the part of the Tammany delegates, asked permission 
to retire from the Hall for consultation, and leave was granted. 

Judge Deax said: Mr. Chairman, the Mozart delegates do not ask permission to 
retire. They do not wish to withdraw even temporarily from a Convention of so high 
a character, convened for a patriotic and holy purpose. [Loud applause.] 

The credentials of the delegates were then handed in. The following are the 
delegates : 

Albany— 1st Dist. John Tracy, Richard Parr, Sr., Henry W. Silsby, Hugh Swift, Sr., 
Richard Kimmey, Herman Wendell, John Moore, B. Nott, Henry Creble, Robert Moak, 
Israel Lawton, Luther P. Tompkins, John Yan Derzee, J. T. Reynolds, ¥m. McGivney, 
James Mackey. 2d Dist. Amasa J. Parker, Lyman Tremain, L. D. Holstein, J. H. 
Clute, J. B. Plumb, Eli Perry, Moses Patten, II. D. Y\ "illard. 3d Dist. Erastus Corning, 
Stephen Clark, Alex. S. Johnson, Cornelius W. Armstrong, George H. Thacher, A. D. 
Lansing George W. Hobbs, Stephen McKnight. 4th Dist. Thomas Kearney, William 
Gillespie, L. S. Parsons, Alexanders. Lobdell, James Roy, Charles H. Adams, George H. 
Wager, Hon. A. Osborn. 

Allegany— William B. Battin, Jep Angoll, Samuel Swaine, Chas. Dantremont. 

Broome— John J. Youman, Simon C. Hitbheock, Vincent Whitney. 

Cattaraugus — 1st Dist. F. S. Martin, J. K. Button, D. Judd, J. T. Henry. 2d. Dist. 
Benjamin Chamberlain, Wm. Samuel Johnson, John C. Devereux, David N. Brown. 

Cayuga— 1st Dist. Josiah Douglas, T. II. Houghtailing, Henry R. Pomery, D. E. Ha- 
vens Dr. A. White. 2d Dist. Peter Yawger, L. 0. Akin, II. M. Stone, AY C. Beardsley. 

Chaxdauque— 1st Dist. T. A. Osborn, Phineas Stevens, G. R. Dean. 2d Dist. Dr. 
Wilcox, Patrick Barrett. 

Chemung — Hiram Gray, John Araott S. <l. Hathaway, Jr., J. P.. Clark. 



Chenango — 1st Dist. Abiel Cook. Grant B. Palmer. John P. Smith. S. S. Yidd. 2d 
Dist. Wm. D. Purple. Rufus Chanaller, Cyrus Tuthill. Lewis Burden. 

Clinton — Smith M. "Weed, James Rogers. Zerah B. Stetson. Timothy Hoyle. 

k — 1st I ':-'.. John Gaul jr., Theodore Miller, John Snyder, Henry C. Miller, 
C. P. Collier, Robert B. MonelL J. Van Xess Philip-. "David Miller. Wm, A. Carpenter 
Samuel A. TenBroeck. James A. Farrell. Harold Wilson, M. H. Philip. "Wm. H. De Witt, 
Richard F. Clark. Lemuel Holmes. E. Rockefeller, Horace Peck. Robt. "Waggoner. 2d 
Dist. S. T. Van Buren Moses Y. Tilden, Waterman Lippitt. W. G. Mandeville. 

Co- I — I -■ . .- ■ . Horatio Ballard, Henry Stephens. Charles P. Cole. Eramus Bowen. 

Delaware — 1st Dist. Charles Maples. M. Tower. X. M. Benedict. W. Henderson. 2d 
Dist. P. R. Gilbert, G. W. Martin. S. B. Champion. Charles Keeler. 

Dutchess — 1st Dist. James Mabbitt. A. K. Chandler. D. D. Aikin, "William S. Ketcham, 
Joel Benton. 2d. Dist. Wm. Kelly. Charles "Wheaton, John C. Pudney, Jacob Elsiffer. 

Erie — 1st Dist. George Palmer, James B. I'ubois. Walter W. Stannard. "Wm. H. Albro. 
2d Dist. Geo. W". Clinton. I. A. Verplanck. Eli Cook. 3d Dist. Jonathan W. DckL- 
G. Langner, "Wm. P. Bush. 4th Dist. Aaron Riley. Allen Potter. C. C. Torrance. Mor* 
gan L. Bradley. 

Essex— A. C. Hand. H H. Ross. A. B. Waldo. M. A. Sheldon. 

Franklin — Charles Durkee. Joseph R. Flanders. 

Fulton and Hamilton — Daniel Potter. JohnL. Hutchinson. Martin McMartin, McTntyre 
Fraser, John M. CarrolL D. C. Livingston. James Dunn. Adam We 

Genesee — Dean Richmond, Heman J. Redneld, Daniel W. Tomlinson. C. Fitch Bissell, 
Myron H. Peck. 

Greene— John Breisted, G. S. Xichols, S. S. Day. "Wellington Peck, T. B. Holcomb, 
E. P. More. 

Hi>-": : net — 1st Dist. Arphaxed Loomis. Augustus Beardslee, Robert Earl Lorenzo 
CarryL Wm. I. Skinner. D. BurwelL H. G. Crouch. Hiram Ayres. 2d Dist. "WilUam C. 
Crain. "William Bridenbecker, Benjamin Carver. J. D. Munri; 

Jefrerson — 1st Dist. Henry Greene. Jr.. G. W. Bond, Orville Gurney. Jas. GifibrcL 
2d Dist. Levi H Brown, Martin L. Graves, Jeflerson Tillinghast, "Wm. H. Angel. 3d 
Dist. John Moak Jason Clark. T. S. Angel, Lawrence Gage. 

Kings — 1st Dist. C. A. B. Bergemenn. E. C. Litehneld. Jacob J. Bergen. Martin Kalb- 
fleisch. 2d Dist. E. 0. Perrin, R. T. Lalor, Jas. R. Del Yecchio, Charles H. Colhns. 3d 
Dist. Henry McCloskey. Peter Murphy. T. C. Callicot, Daniel Green, James Craig. 4th 
Dist. Charles J. Lowrey, James Sickles. Robert Furey, James DArey. 5th Dist. John 
A. Davton. Thomas ' - - :i:hard Ternan. Wm. H. Campbell. 6th Dist. Edmund 

Driegs. George Thompson, George L. Fox, Joseph 0*Donohue. 7th Dist. James K. 
Hutchins, * Taylor, A. Cunningham. Charles K 

Lewis — Horace Johi. - ?s, X. B. Sylvester. E. S. Merrell. 

Livingston — 1st Dist. Charles EL CarrolL Bartlett L. Cone, Aaron Barber. Harlon W. 
"Wells. 2d Dist. Geo. Hastings. C. B. Adams. William X. Alward. James Faulkner. 
- .-. ri — 1st Dist. Z. T. B.-ntley. J. B. Coe, J. A. Mott, Whipj I 2d Dist 

rles Stebbins. Jairus French. J. D. Ledyard. B. P. Chapi - .".. Brown. 

—1st Dist. Justus Yale. Jerome K ilonryBan "arner, 

2d. Dist. Jacob Gould, Patrick Barry, Isaac Butts, John Lutes. 3d I - a B. 

Jewett. J - • S oith. 

Montgomery ^-John. Bo . R. Cushney - ..mons. Rob r t 

Adams. David Spraker, P. H. Fonda, Henry Adams, Will,- _ Robert A 

Andrew J. Yates, Frasiei 5] Thoa, Bunn, Horace Van Evera, John G Frost, 



Daniel Spraker, Jr., Z. Fonda, Jacob Johnson, Lewis Howe, Wm. H. Biggam, Levi Van 
Horn, Joseph Spraker. 

New York — 1st Dist. John Van Buren, John McKeon, "William Miner, A. J. McCarty. 
2d Dist. John Clancey, August Belmont, Morgan Jones, George P. Bickford. 3d Dist. 
Hiram Walbridge, John Kelly, Andrew Clark, Samuel P. Berger. 4th Dist. Matthew 
T. Brennan, Oswald Ottendorfer, "Win. H. Hurlbut, John Harrison. 5th Dist. Joshua 
J. Henry, Samuel J. Montgomery, Wilson G. Hunt, Samuel B. Garvin. 6th Dist. Elijah 
P. Purdy, Col. Michael Corcoran, John J. Bradley, George Debenham. 7th Dist. Philip 
"W. Engs, Samuel J. Anderson, John Nash, William D. Kennedy. 8th Dist. Nelson 
Taylor, Wm. M. Tweed, Gustavus "W. Smith, James J. Reilly, 9th Dist. James T. Brady, 
James S. Thayer, George Law, Emanuel B. Hart. 10th Dist. J. Winthrop Chanler, John 
"Wheeler, Bernard Reilly, George Kuster. 11th Dist. Samuel J. Tilden, Andrew Mount, 
John Hardy, Peter B. Sweeney. 12th Dist. William A. Kobbe, Wesley Smith, Mans- 
field Lovell, Chas. E. Rowe. 13th Dist. Claudius L. Monell, Michael Connolly, Peter 
Masterson, Thomas Jones, Jr. 14th Dist. John T. Hoffman, Isaac Bel!, Jr., Edward 
Cooper, W r m. McMurray. 15th Dist. Richard B. Connolly, George "W. McLean, S. L. 
M. Barlow, John Murphy. 16th Dist. Nathan F. Graves, Jeremiah Towle, Joseph B. 
Tully, John H. McCabe. 17th Dist. Charles O'Conor, Daniel E. Sickles, Bartlett Smith, 
Thomas C. Field. 

Mozart Hall. — 1st. Dist. John Callahan, Henry B. Cromwell, John Hogan, John B. 
Borst. 2d Dist. John Baulch, Felix Murphy, Patrick Garrick, Richard Barry. 3d Dist. 
Harris Bogart, Michael J. Kelly, Jas. Nowlen, Christian B. "Woodruff. 4th Dist. Jamea 

E. Kerrigan, W. Henessy Cook, Robert Beatty, Jr., James Devoy. 5th Dist. Benjamin 
"Wood, Ignatius Flynn, Lawrence M. Van "Wart, Edwin W r ainright. 6th Dist. Nelson 
Taylor, James Lynch, Cornelius Corson, James McAlarney. 7th Dist. "Wm. J. Van Ars- 
dale, H. B. Blauvelt, Daniel Young, Samuel J. Anderson. 8th Dist. John Galvin, Peter 
McKnight, Wm. H. Roach, James W. Crossman. 9th Dist. Elijah Ward, James Wads- 
worth, Peter Fullmer, John Caffery. 10th Dist. John Cochrane, George C. Genet, Luke 

F. Cozans, William A. Seaver. 11th Dist. W r m. A. Walker, P. G. Moloney, C. P. Scher- 
merhorn, A. C. Morton. 12th Dist. Charles Perley, Jr., James H. Brennan, Jame8 
Marshall, "Wm. Turnbull. 13th Dist. Benjamin P. Fairchild, Ambrose L. Pinney, Thos. 
W. McMahon, James "Walsh. 14th Dist. Isaac C. Delaplaine, John K. Hackett, Theo- 
dore B. Voorhees, Maunsell B. Field, loth. Dist. Peter H.Jackson, Gilbert Dean, John 
C. Anderson, Charles Guidet. 16th Dist. Robert Earl, Ransom C. Parks, Roger Dow- 
ling, John McGuire. 17th Dist. Conrad Swackhamer, Sidney P. Ingraham, Thaddeus 
P. Mott, J. Dagget T. Hunt. 

Niagara— 1st Dist. G. L. Judd, H. Pomeroy, M. Seaman, P. L. Ely. 2d Dist. Sher- 
burne B. Piper, Rodney Durkee, Wm. S. Wright, Reuben F. "Wilson. 

Oneida— 1st. Dist. Horatio Seymour, Alex. B. Johnson, John Munn, Theodore S. Fax- 
ton. 2d Dist. P. Sheldon Root, Othniel S. Williams, A. P. Seymour, Naaman W. 
Moore. 3d Dist. D. C. Pomeroy, W. H. Doxtater, Thomas D. Penfield, Thomas Mulhall. 
4th Dist. P. C. I. De Angelis, David Moulton, T. B. Allanson, J. T. Comstock. 

Onondaga— 1st Dist. "Wm. T. Graves, R. Curtis, Joel Thayer, Lyman Norton. 2d 
Dist. "William W. "Willard, Jas. Lynch, George A. Ostrander, Dennis McCarthy. 3d 
Dist. Sam'l L. Edwards, Adams Ainslie, Albina Woolson. William R. Rann. 

Ontario— 1st Dist. Ezra Pierce, Ulysses "Warner, W. W. Wright, S. H. Parker. 2d 
Dist. "William J. Lapham, J. W. Holberton, A. Brickford, C. W. Gulick. 

Orange— 1st Dist. H. L. Stevens, Thomas Geo, Richard A. Southwick, John D. Van 
Buren. 2d Dist. Sam'l J. Wilkin, A- J Mills, Chas. M. Thompson, Dan'l Thompson. 



8 

Orleans — S. E. Church, John H. WMte, Ambrose Bowen,. Linus J. Peck. 

Oswego — 1st Dist. William Duer, E. P. Grant, Enoch B. Talcott, James M. Crolius. 
2d Dist. Willard Johnson, Ohas. Kathern, Jos-Gilbert, Ransom H. Tyler, 3d Dist, R. 
L. Ingersoll, J. A. Clark, C. II. Cross, Thomas Clark. 

Otsego — 1st Dist. John H. Prentiss, Geo. C. Clyde,. Alfred Clark, Nahum Thompson. 
2d Dist. H. Sturges, T. J. Luce, H. Keyes, W. W. Snow. 

Putnam — Gouverneur Kemble, Francis Burdiek, Lewis H. Gregory, Benj. T. Horn, 
A. B. Crane. 

Queens — 1st Dist. Elias J. Beach, John H. Brower, JJoratio E. Onderdonk, F. N. 
Lawrence. 2d Dist. James T. Souter, Daniel Clark,. A. A. Degraw, John D. Townsend. 

Rensselaer — 1st Dist. John D. Willard, John A. Griswold, Darius Allen, Miles Beach. 
2d Dist. Jas. S. Thayer, John A. Baucus, John M. Mott, Schuyler Greenman. 3d Dist. 
Peter M. Defreest, Horace Harrington, Theodore Karner, John J. Reed, Dewitt Deforrest. 

Richmond — Win. C. Deyse, Isaac M. Marsh,. Robert Chrystie, Jr., Abraham Ellise. 

Rockland — A. Edward Suffern, N. G. Blauvelt, Isaac Sloat, Wm. Dickey, James S. 
Haring, Jonn I. Cole. 

St. Lawrence — 1st Dist. David C. Judson,. Edwin Dodge, Daniel Magone, Jr. 2d Dist. 
John T. Goodrich, K J. Ferry, Bishop Perkins. 3d Dist. W. Wright, Jr., Roswell 
Hopkins. 

Saratoga — 1st Dist. Hon. John Cramer, Hon. Geo. G. Scott, Wm. Shepard r John 
Steward, Lyman Dwight, William Fowler, Jehiel J. Miller, John Anderson. 2d Dist. 
Hon. R. H. Walworth, Hon. John Willard, Jno. H. White, Walter Doty, Wm. L. F. 
Warren, Hon. James M. Marvin, Alva Drake, W. H. Warren. 

Schenectady — A. C. Paige, J. R. Craig, James Fuller, John McShea, Jr. 

Schoharie — P. S. Danforth, Tobias Bouck, Orson Root,. D. Lawyer, Philip Humphrey, 
Stephen C. Teeple, Horace D. Phelps, Chas. Bouck, P. Z. Swart, Wm. B. Borst, Robert 
Stefford, James A. Bouck, G. Frisbey, Oscar Fink, Marshell DeNoyelle, Wm. Van Yal- 
kenburgh, Richard Park, Wm. H.' Davis, Montevule Gurnsey, G. J. Best, D. K. Frisbey, 
Peter Coburn, R. D. Hyde, George Efner, 0. H. Williams. 

Schuyler — Alonzo Gaylord, John J. Lawrence, Wm. C. Coon, George B. Guinnip. 

Seneca — Thomas Fatzinger, Edward Myndorse, Wm. Dunlap, James Stevenson. 

Steuben — 1st Dist Hon. John Magee, Horn Reuben Robie, Jesse Munson, Hon. Jacob 
Larrow. 

Suffolk — 1st Dist. Lewis A. Edwards, II. A. Reeves, Wm. 0. Betts. 2d Dist. Wil- 
liam II. Ludlow, T. S. Strong, J. Lawrence Smith, John R. Reid. 

Sullivan— 0. B. Wheeler. A. C. Niven, R. Y. Grant, S. St. John Gardner. 

Tioga — Nathan Bristol, John McQuigg, Gideon 0. Chase. 

Tompkins — Henry D. Barto, John Boynton, E. L. B. Curtiss, Charles Coryell. 

Ulster — 1st Dist — John B. Steele, Sylvanus Purdy, C. L. Keirsted, F. L. Baffin. 2d 
Dist. William Hathaway, John B. Dubois, Abm. A. Deyo, Jr., Jeremiah Clark. 3d 
Dist. H. D. H. Snyder, Jr., Dr. Jacob S. Freer, Wm. Lounsberry, N. R. Graham. 

Washington — 1st Dist. W. A. Russell, Stephen Barker, Charles Ingalls, N. B. Milli- 
man. 2d Dist. Oliver Bascomb, Wm. Coleman, Jas, H. Sherrill, T. T. Yaughn, E. E. 
DaviB. 

Warren—- Thos. S. Gray, H. R. Wing, Joseph Russell, H. S. Wilson. 

Wayne — 1st Dist. Van R. Richmond, Colvin H. Bliss, W. Van Camp, Byron Ford. 
2d Tist. E. M. Anderson, C. G. Pomeroy, Lyman Bickford, Benj. Mack. 



9 

Westchester— 1st Dist. W. W. Wpodworth, Darius Lyon, W. J. McPermott, L. G. Mor* 
ris. 2d Dist. John W. Mills, Alexander M. Bruen, James E. Beers, E. G. Sutherland. 
3d Dist, Uriah Hill, James M. Bard, Robert S. Hart, William S. Tompkins. 

Wyoming — John B. Skinner, John A. McKlwain, A. D. Smith, John B. Skinner, 2d. 

Yates— D. A. Ogden, David H. BuelL, Ezekial Castner, Jeptha A. Potter. 

T. H. Houghtaling, Chairman. 

R. H. Cushney, ) 

Hon. C. W. Armstrong, I r , ... n , .. , 

tr -mi- o i r Committee on Credentials. 

Hon. Eh Cook, i 

Hon. Joseph R, Flanders. J 

H. A. Reeves, Secretary. 

AMASA J. PARKER, President. 
E. 0. Perrin, Secretary. 

Mr. Darcy, of Kings, moved that the Democratic members of the State Legislature 
be invited to seats in the body of the Convention. [Adopted unanimously.] 

Hon. Wk. H. Ludlow, of Suffolk, moved that a committee of two from each judicial 
district, be appointed to submit resolutions to the consideration of the Convention. 

Mr. Brower, of Queens, thought the resolution out of order, until the permanent 
organization had been effected. 

Mr. Ludlow had followed precedent in offering the resolution, but would consent that 
it lie on the table. 

The resolution was laid on the table until the afternoon. 

Chancellor Walworth moved the ajjpointment of a committee of five on permanent 
organization, which was agreed to, and the Chair appointed the following committee : 

Hon. R. H. Walworth, Saratoga ; J. B. Skinner, Wyoming ; Willard Johnson, Oswego ; 
Dennis McCarthy, Onondaga ; Edmund Driggs, Kings. 

Mr. T. H. Houghtalixg, of Cayuga, moved the appointment of a Committee on Cve- 
dentials, which being agreed to, the following committee was appointed. 

T. H. Houghtaling, Cayuga; R. H. Cushney, Montgomery; Hon. C. W. Armstrong, 
Albany ; Hon. Eli Cook, Erie ; Hon. Jos. R, Flanders, Franklin. 

The Convention then took a recess till half-past three, P. M. 



Afternoon Session. 

The Convention re-assembled at half-past three, the body of the Hall being occupied 
by seven or eight hundred delegates, and the galleries densely packed, the west gallery 
being reserved for ladies. 

Hon. R. H. Walworth, from the committee on Permanent Organization, reported the 
following names, all of which were greeted with loud applause as they were read ; 
For President— Hon. AMASA J. PARKFR, of Albany. 

For Vice-Presidents, 
First District — Charles O'Connor, James Wads worth, Gilbert Dean, August Belmont. 
Second District — John H. Brower, Gouverneur Kernble, Samuel J. Wilkin, George 
Thompson. 

Third District — Erastus Corning, James S. Thayer, S. Sherwood Day, Christopher L. 
Kerstead. 

Fourth District — Alonzo C. Paige, Bishop Perkins, William Coleman, John Willard, 
2 



10 

Fifth District — Horatio Seymour, Samuel L. Edwards, William C. Cram, George "W\ 
Bond. 

Sixth District — Hiram Gray, Henry Stevens, Charles Stebbins, John H. Prentiss. 
Seventh District — Peter Yawger, Charles H. Carroll, Jacob Gould, John McGee. 
Eighth District — Hemau J. Redfield, Frederick Martin, George Palmer, Thomas A. 

Osborn. 

Secretaries. 

First District — Samuel J. Tilden, Nelson Taylor. 
Second District — E. 0. Perrin, Jacob W. Elseffer. 
Third District — John A. Griswold, Cornelius W. Armstrong. 
Fourth District — Halsey R. Wing, Frasier Spraker. 
Fifth District — N. B. Sylvester, James A. Clark. 
• Sixth District — Dr. A. White, Ira Crane. 
Seventh District — George Hastings, E. M. Anderson. 
Eighth District — Louis Jones Peck, C. Fitch Bissell. 

Hon. Stephen Clark, of Albany, and Sherburn B. Piper, of Niagara, were appointed a 
Committee to conduct the permanent President to the Chair. 

THE CHAIRMAN'S ADDRESS. 

As Judge Parker appeared upon the stand, he was received with loud and earnest 
applause, and when order was restored addressed the Convention as follows: 

Gentlemen : I am deeply sensible of the honor conferred by being called to preside 
over your deliberations, and in the discharge of the duty assigned me, I rely both on 
your indulgence and support. 

In the deep gloom that hangs over our beloved country, I look xipon this large as- 
sembly and feel that there is still hope. I find myself surrounded by men of known 
character and tried integrity, many of whom have devoted a large portion of their lives 
to the best interests of the country. You represent, gentlemen, not only all the ma- 
terial interests of this great State, but also its high moral qualities, its sense or justice, 
its patriotism and its devotion to the preservation of the Union. [Applause.] 

This Convention has been called with no view to mere party objects. It looks only to 
the great interests of State. We meet here conservative and representative men who 
have differed among themselves as to measures of governmental policy, ready, all of 
them, I trust, to sacrifice such differences upon the altar of our common country. He 
can be no true patriot who is not ready to yield his own prejudices, to surrender a favo- 
rite theory and to clip even from his own party platform, where such omission may 
save his country from ruin otherwise inevitable. [Loud cheers.] 

The promptness with which you have assembled here to take counsel together in this, 
most trying hour, is evidence of the deep feeling which pervades the community and 
of the determination of the people to provide some remedy for existing and threatened 
evils. Alarmed at finding our cherished Union crumbling to atoms, the people you 
represent, inspired by the same spirit of patriotism and governed by one impulse, will 
speak through you their sentiments and will look to your action with the deepest inter- 
est They expect much from the wisdom of your counsels. 

While our people are ready at the call of duty, as history has abundantly shown, to 
peril their lives in defence of the honor, the property and the flag of the Union, they 
look with horror upon the direful calamities of civil war. They shrink back, aghast, at 
the idea of repeating, in this enlightened age, that first great crime of man, the staining 
of hands with a brother's blood. [Prolonged applause.] 



11 

The people of this State demand the peaceful settlement of the questions that have 
led to disunion. They have a right to insist that there shall be conciliation, concession, 
compromise. While yet the pillars of our political temple lie scattered on the ground, 
let them be used to reconstruct the edilice. The popular sentiment is daily gathering 
Strength, and will overwhelm in its progress alike those who seek to stem it oh the frail 
plank of party platforms and those who labor to pervert it to mere party advantage. 
[Cheers.] 

If those who are intrusted with political power will not act in accordance with this 
pervading public sentiment, let them, at least, submit the question to a direct vote of 
the people. Their voice will be omnipotent here, and if it be raised in time it may be 
effectual elsewhere. 

Soaring above all questions of political party, I am sure your deliberations will be 
conducted with harmony and dignity, and will be worthy of the solemnity and import- 
ance of the occasion. 

Loud applause followed the delivery of this address. 

Mr. Towxsexd, of Queens moved to amend the resolution offered by Mr. Darcy, this 
morning, inviting Democratic Members of the Senate and Assembly to seats on the floor 
by striking out the word "democratic." 

Mr. Darcy opposed the amendment, as it would admit Republican legislators to seats 
on the floor. This would hardly be decent, for it might be the duty of the Convention 
to criticise many of their actions. f 

Mr. A. B. Johxsox, of Utica, opposed the amendment on the ground of inconve- 
nience. 

Mr. Graxt, of Oswego, moved to amend by inserting the word " Union " in place of 
■" Democratic." Agreed to. ■> 

Mr. Callicot moved to further amend by striking out the word " Union " and sub- 
stituting "all members who sympathise with the objects of this Convention, and to in- 
clude the State officers." Agreed to, and the resolution as amended was adopted. 

Mr. Ludlow called up the resolution for a committee of two from each judicial district, 
on resolutions. 

MR. JOHNSON'S ADDRESS. 

Mr. Johxsox, of Oneida, came forward on the platform and said: 
Gextlemex : I am an old man, as is but too apparent ; and still, Sir, I am quite 
young in such an assemblage as this. This is the fourth time that I have ever met in 
such a Convention. The first time was when the British sacked the city of "Washington, 
and burned the public buildings. At that time I assembled with the Democrats 01 
Oneida county, to give to the General Government all the assistance that could be de- 
rived from the sympathy of the Democracy of that day. The second time was on the 
removal of the deposits from the United States bank. The Democracy of Oueida county, 
assembled at that time to show their sympathy and support to General Jacksox. The 
third time, I attended the Baltimore Convention, that nominated Mr. Van Buren, who 
was at that time a Northern man, with Southern principles — meaning, as we supposed, 
a man who was willing to give the South equal privileges with the North in the Union. 
[Applause.] I give this record of myself to show that I am not out of place in a 
Democratic Convention ; and further, to propitiate you, if any of the remarks which I 
am about to utter, should happen not to suit all who hear mo. 

" In the day of prosperity be joyful, but in the day of adversity consider " — so com- 
mands the Bible: Our confederacy is in adversity, and therefore we, who have ever, io 



12 

peace and in war, been faithful to its interests, are assembled to consider what is our 
duty in the present solemn crisis of the country — too solemn to authorise any partisan 
allusions, much less partisan criminations, except so far as either is essential to a proper 
understanding of our present necessities ; but to that extent we ought to speak and 
must speak, if we desire to be useful, for this is no time for concealment of truths. An 
opinion is dimly prevalent that this meeting- must not irritate — but whom must we not 
irritate? We clearly ought not to further irritate the South, and still we'eannot open a 
republican newspaper or read a debate in Congress, or in our own Legislature, without find- 
ing it full of irritating matter to the South. The irritation that we are to avoid is, therefore, 
not to the South, but to the persons among us who are in power and who must not be 
irritated, on the principle that when your hand is in a lion's mouth, you must remove it 
as gently as possible. We should be willing to observe this caution to the extent that 
is consistent with the safety of the Union ;» but if the persons who possess the power to 
save it by conciliating the South, will not exert the power except on the condition that 
their agency in our present condition shall not be uttered, let them take the responsi- 
bility of so acting, and return home to their constituents if they dare. 

To a superficial observer our difficulties consist of revolutionary movements in the 
Southern States, but these movements are only symptoms of a disorder, not the disorder 
itself; and before we can treat the disorder understandingly with a view to its remedy, 
we must understand its cause, and we shall find it in the avowed principles on which the 
late presidential election was conducted to its final triumph — principles inculcating sec- 
tional hate in place of federal kindness ; in direct contravention with the dying injunctions 
of the Father of his Country, and of the most eminent of his successors in the presi- 
dency, General Jackson. The States of our Union emerged as independent sovereign- 
ties out of the revolutionary struggle with Great Britain, in whom the sovereignty of 
each State existed before it was surrendered by the treaty of Xovember, ,1782. By that 
treaty, Great Britain transferred her sovereignty, not to the United States, but to South. 
Carolina, Georgia and other States, severally, that had united in the war, declaring them 
respectively to be thenceforth "free, sovereign and independent/' These States had 
always been independent of each other, though for mutual defence they had confederated 
together in November, 1777, and when ten years thereafter, in 1787, they formed the 
existing constitution, the greatest difficulty in its construction, said George Washington, 
was "to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to each State, and yet provide for 
the interest and safety of all." The like difficulty obstructed the ratification of the con- 
stitution after its formation, the States respectively differing, however, in the degree 
in which they were jealous of their separate sovereignty; and this difference occasioned 
the first division of the citizens into conflicting parties. 

The people who deemed the new Federal Constitution too restrictive of State sove- 
reignty, opposed its ratification, and were hence called anti-Federals; while those who 
favored its ratification were called Federals, and were persons not so jealous as the others 
of State sovereignty, and were, indeed, supposed to desire a strong general government 
as a greater good than the individual sovereignty of the States. Unobvious as the fact 
may be, these principles of our first party distinctions, have continued operative in all 
our parties to the present day; and though the eminent citizen who represents our State 
in the Senate, at Washington, said in his late eloquent speech, that he had in his day, 
belonged to several different parties, he would have expressed his condition more nearly 
had he said, that in his day he had always belonged to substantially the same party, but 
under several different names ; and the like maybe said of Democrats. The States of 
our Union which have adhered most persistently to the protection of their State sove- 



13 

reignty are those which we ordinarily term the Slave states; and as a curious illustration 
of the unchangeableness of human nature under unchanged circumstances, the fore- 
going attribute of the Slave states was alluded to eighty-six years ago in the British 
Parliament, by Burke, in his great speech to arrest the British Government in their at- 
tempt to coerce the then revolting American colonies. He said, " in Virginia and South 
Carolina they have a vast multitude of slaves. When this is the case in any part of the 
civilized world, those who are free are by far the most proud and jealous of their free- 
dom. Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Iu 
such a people, the haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom, 
fortifies it and renders it invincible." 

In conformity with the foregoing characteristics, the slave States have ever favored the 
strictest conceivable construction of the United States Constitution, that the States may 
severally retain the utmost practicable sovereignty, and in this particular Democrats have 
always sided with the slave States, from a conviction, almost self-evident, that the more 
each State can undisturbedly manage its own concerns, the less occasion it will have to 
dislike the Union, whose perpetuity would be thus promoted. Superficial observers have 
not understood this conservative motive of Democrats, and have attributed their conduct 
to partiality for the peculiar institutions of the South ; especially as the opponents of 
Democrats have always acted on an opposite theory, advocating a prohibition of slavery 
in the territories, forts, arsenals and dockyards, and eventually in the States; and advo- 
cating whatever else should be deemed, by a numerical majority of Congress, beneficial 
to the Confederacy as a whole, regardless of the continued entreaties of the South to be 
'left undisturbed in pursuit of their own happiness in their own way. The present sad 
condition of the Confederacy demonstrates that Democrats judged accurately in their 
persistent assertions that under the tenets of their opponents the Union, whose several 
parts God has made to differ irrevocably in climate and productions, cannot be held 
together without military coercion, if we abandon the simple and apparently easy con- 
trivance intended by the framers of the Constitution, and studiously practiced during the 
first fifty years of our confederation, that each State should enjoy its own inclinations 
and leave to all others a like liberty. But far be from us any intention to triumph by 
this recital, over the realization of our worst predictions, connected as it is with so much 
present disaster, and with the prospective ruin of the best hopes of the world, which 
fondly gave us credit for having devised a system of state sovereignties, by which man's 
inherent tyranny in matters of conflicting opinions could be avoided. 

Our immediate dangers are, however, not so much the secession from the Union of 
several dissatisfied States, as that the Republican party, whose principles and conduct 
have, unwillingly we may well believe, produced the mischief, possess the legislative and 
executive power of all the free States, and are, in a few days, to add thereto all the 
powers of the general government, and persist in merely denying that their principles 
intend the miscluef which the South apprehend therefrom-; whilst, at the sanie time, 
they will not yield to the South such constitutional guarantees against the apprehended 
mischief, as will win back to the Union the alarmed States ; though certainly such guar- 
antees should not be withheld for one, two or three years, as lately announced in the 
United States Senate, if Republicans are sincere in not intending the apprehended mis- 
chief; especially as during those years, the Republican party will have time to consoli- 
date all its powers of aggression. T\ r hat the guarantees should be is in vain for us to 
prescribe, having no power to either inaugurate them or to conduct them to a successful 
consummation; but speaking for the Democratic party of this State, and of, we believe, 
the whole Union, and, indeed, for a vast body of citizens not identified with any party, 



14 

we feci safe in saying that no guarantee will be unwelcome that shall give the South, 
and all its property, the same rights that arc or shall be possessed by the North and its 
property, the same rights which the South possessed at the commencement of the con- 
federacy, slavery being at that time no object of antagonism, but the common institution 
of all the Slates but one; and we will accord this equality the more readily by reason 
tl a*- any settlement which shall continue any inequality between the North and the 
South will he prejudicial to the permanency of the settlement, and hence should not he 
offered by the North, even if the South, from a love of the Union, should be willing to 
remain therein with less than an equality of its advantages. 

The Constitution provides two modes for its amendment. In one. Congress may pro- 
pose amendments to be submitted to the States; and in the other, the States may call on 
Congress to convene a convention of all the States, to agree on such amendments as may 
be deemed desirable. The first mode is the most direct and speedy, while the second is 
the most comprehensive and certain of being successful ; but possibly all remedies may 
be withheld till the seceded States shall have become confederated together and refuse 
to return. In the possibility of this unhappy determination, and which the present aspect 
of parties compels us to consider, we are certain that the will of a large portion of the 
citizens of this State is against any armed coercion on the part of the general or State 
governments, to restore the Union by civil war ; and, in this connection, we have seen 
with disapprobation the haste evinced by our Legislature to imbrue their hands in frater- 
nal blood, and the pernicious zeal which, without even the apology of any legislative 
direction, induced the transmission of this aggressive intention, to the governors of not 
only the seceded States, but of the border States who, at the time, were struggling to 
restrain their citizens from secession, and thus revealing to us, that unless our Northern 
people interfere, the mistaken sectionalism which has produced our present misfortunes, 
is not to be corrected by any evidence of its destructiveness, but is to be continued by 
partisans, till the South is either subjugated or destroyed. The advocates of this horrid 
violence against the doctrines of our Declaration of Independence, and which, if success- 
ful in its object, would constitute a more radical revolution in our form of government 
than even secession, certainly mistake not only the age in which we live, but the people 
whom they represent, and who sympathize in no desire to take a bloody revenge on those 
who think they can live more peacefully and prosperously alone, than in a Union with 
those who have, for years, irritated them almost to madness, by denouncing them as a 
reproach and a disgrace. We refrain from enlarging on this distressing topic, desiring 
to be rather oblivions than obtrusive on prejudices which, in the mass of our people, 
were conscientious and well intentioned, though we have always known that the persons 
who held them were mistaken in the judgment they formed of the duty of Northern indi- 
viduals in a Confederacy so elaborately complex as ours, and so different from every 
other known nationality. 

We also protest against the new criminal statutes, which our Legislature are enacting, 
and which seem calculated to revive among us the historical horrors of the war of inde- 
pendence, when members of the same family depredated on each other, and neighbor 
against neighbor, for differences of political opinions. Such hasty legislation against the. 
position of the South, can only further irritate those whom all peace-loving people are 
desiring to concilliate ; especially as it must, in the eyes of the South, contrast unfavora- 
bly with the neglect of all northern Legislatures to provide penalties against underground 
railroads and such lawless invasions of the Slave states as Virginia suffered at Harper's 
Ferry. 



15 

But we are asked, rather triumphantly, have we a government ? The question is in- 
tended to imply, that the government must be strong enough for self-preservation, what- 
ever may become a necessary means. The answer is. that the government is as strong 
as its founders could agree to make it. Its weakness in emergencies like the present 
was foreseen by the men that framed the constitution, but they soon perceived that they 
must take the constitution as it now stands, or no confederation could be formed. If, 
therefore, we now attempt to strengthen the government by coercive action which all 
men know its founders would have rejected with scorn, we are the revolutionists and not 
the South ; — so jealous indeed were, the states of Federal interference, that its protec- 
tion of them against domestic violence was prohibited, till the disturbed State applied for 
protection by its Legislature, or by its chief executive when the Legislature could not 
be convened. If then the States would not accept protection from the general govern- 
ment till it was demanded, how much less would they have accepted coercion against 
their own actions. The government was strong enough while cemented by mutual good 
fellowship, but no government, and ours the least of all, is sufficiently strong to resist 
incessant aggravations. Finally, if Congress and our States cannot, or will not win back 
our Southern brethren, let us, at least, part as friends: arid then possibly, if experi- 
ence shall, as we suppose it will, show the departed States that in leaving the Union, 
they have only deserted a happy home, they may be willing to sue us to re-admit them ; 
or, if they shall find a permanent separation more desirable than Union, we may still 
exist together as useful and profitable neighbors, assisting each other when either is 
threatened by injustice from the nations of Europe ; and the two sections, instead of 
wasting their time and energies in quarreling with each other about slavery, will at least 
have more time to severally employ all their energies in seeking their own prosperity in 
their own war. 

Mr. S. B. Piper moved to amend the resolution of Mr. Ludlow, by appointing four 
from each Judicial District on the Committee on resolutions instead of two. 

Mr. Callahan moved to make the Committee three from each district. 

The amendments were lost, and the original resolution adopted. 

The President announced the following as the Committee on Resolutions : 

First District— -W. H. Ludlow, Suffolk ; Wm. Kelly, Dutchess. 

Second District — Samuel J. Tilden and Judge G. Dean, New York. 

Third District — A. C. Xiven, Sullivan ; Judge Willard. Troy. 

Fourth District — John Cramer, Saratoga ; A. C. Hand, Essex. 

Fifth District— H. Seymour, Oneida; A. Loomis, Herkimer. 

Sixth District— H. Ballard, Cortland ; C. Stebbins, Madison. 

Seventh District — Isaac Butts, Monroe ; Geo. Hastings. Livingston'. 

Eighth District— G. W. Clinton, I. A. Verplanck, Erie. 

Resolutions were adopted, instructing the Committee op Resolutions to prepare an 
address to the people of the State, and to have the resolutions they submitted to the 
Convention printed in advance of the action of the Convention. 



GOVERNOR SEYMOUR'S ADDRESS. 

Hon. Horatio Seymour appeared upon the stand, and was received with loud and 
long continued applause. He said : — 

It has been truly said by the President of this Convention that we do not meet for 
partisan purposes, although we are assembled in pursuance of a call issued by a politica] 



1G 

organization. There was no other mode by which we could act as a representative body. 
The people of the State are divided into two great parties, one of which gave at the late 
Presidential contest more than three hundred and fifty thousand, and the other more 
than three hundred and ten thousand votes for their respective candidates: We have 
waited with patient expectation for some effort on the part of the responsible majority 
to avert the calamities which overhang our country. We have hailed with joy every 
indication of a desire on their part to meet the duties of their position. We have given 
a cordial approval to every patriotic expression coming from individuals of that party, 
whether uttered through his Journal by the able Republican leader of the State, by the 
distinguished Senator at Washington, or by a patriotic and intelligent Member of our 
Legislature. The hopes excited by those expressions have (bed away. Our country is 
on the verge of ruin, and now, in behalf of the great organization we represent and of 
those who, since the late election, have joined our ranks, we meet to confront the dangers 
which menace us. I believe in our resolutions we shall utter the sentiments of a vast 
majority of the people of New York. We shall rise above political purposes. We shall 
indulge in no reproaches — patriotic purposes in the past must be shown by patriotic 
action now. The acts of this day will throw light upon our motives in what we have 
done, and will influence our conduct in the future. 

As I have been placed upon the committee which is to frame resolutions for your con- 
sideration, I wish to state my views of the policy which should guide us and the senti- 
ments we should put forth to the world. 

Three score and ten years, the period alloted for the life of man, have rolled away 
since George Washington was inaugurated first President of the United States, in the 
city of New York. We were then among the feeblest people of the earth. The flag 
of Great Britain still waved over Oswego with insulting defiance of our national rights, 
and the treaty recognising our independence. The powers of the world regarded us 
with indifference or treated us with contemptuous injustice. So swift has been our 
progress under the influence of our Union that but yesterday we could defy the world 
in arms, and none dared to insult our flag. When onr Constitution was inaugurated the 
iitmost enthusiasm pervaded our land. Stern warriors who had fought the battles of 
the Revolution wept for joy. Glad processions of men and women marched with 
triumphal pride along the streets of our cities — hoi)- men of God prayed in his Temples 
that the spirit of fraternal love, which had shaped the compromises of the Constitution, 
might never fade away, and that sectional bigotry, hate and discord might never curse 
our land. Amid this wild enthusiasm there was no imagination so excited, nor piety 
with faith so strong that it foresaw the full influence of the event then celebrated. Some 
yet live to see our numbers increased from four to thirty millions, our territories 
quadrupled and extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific, our power and progress the 
wonder of the world. Alas, sir, they also live to see the patriotism and fraternal love, 
which have wrought out these marvellous results, die out, and the mighty fabric of our 
government about to crumble and fall, because the virtues which reared and uphold it 
have departed from our councils. 

PRESENT ASPECT OP STATE AND NATION. 
What spectacle do we present to day ? Already six States have withdrawn from this 
Confederacy. Revolution has actually begun. The term " secession -" divests it of none 
of its terrors nor do arguments to prove secession inconsistent with our Constitution, 
stay its progress, or mitigate its evils. All virtue, patriotism and intelligence seem to 
have fled from our National Capitol ; it has been well likened to the conflagration of an 



17 

asylum for madmen — some look on with idiotic imbecility, some in sullen silence, and 
some scatter the firebran Is which consume the fabric above them, and bring upon all a 
common destruction. Is there one revolting aspect in this scene which has not its 
parallel at the Capitol of your country? Do you not see there the senseless imbecility, 
the garrulous idiocy, the maddened rage displayed with regard to petty personal passions 
and party purposes, while the glory, the honor, and the safety of the country are all for- 
gotten. The same pervading fanaticism has brought evil upon all the institutions of our 
land. Our churches are torn asunder and desecrated to partisan purposes. The wrongs 
of our local legislation, the growing burdens of debt and taxation, the gradual destruc- 
tion of the African in the free States, which is marked by each recurring census, are all 
due to the neglect of our own duties, caused by the complete absorption of the public 
mind by a senseless, unreasoning fanaticism. The agitation of the question of slavery 
has thus far brought greater social, moral and legislative evils upon the people of the 
free States than it .has upon the institutions of those against whom it has been excited. 
The wisdom of Franklin stamped upon the tirst coin issued by our government, the wise 
motto, "mind your business! " The violation of this homely proverb which lies at the 
foundation of the doctrines of local rights, has, thus far, proved more hurtful to the 
meddlers in the affairs of others than to those against whom* this pragmatic action, is 
directed. 

THE SUBJECT OF CONTROVERSY. 

The particular subject of controversy at this moment is the territorial question. "When 
our Constitution was formed, our government embraced an area of 820,680 square miles. 
Since that time it has been expanded by different acquisitions to the' vast qxtent of 2,936,- 
166 square miles. This expansion was not contemplated by the framers of our Consti- 
tution, and Mr. Jefferson declared, at the time of the Louisiana purchase, that it should 
be made the subject of a Constitutional amendment. This wise suggestion was unheeded, 
and we have attempted to govern our different acquisitions by principles inferred, from a 
constitution which did not contemplate such exigencies. It is not surprising, therefore, 
that the opinions of men and the policy of government have been unsettled and con- 
flicting. 

Thus far, the North has had greatly the advantage in the division of these acquisitions, 
and the political power which emanates from the creation of States, made from their 
limits. Five free and five slave States have been erected from territories gained since 
the adoption of our Constitution. The free States have the whole of the Pacific coast 
and the largest share of value and extent in the remaining territories, lie north of a line 
which bounds the region where slavery can be employed, and lie, too, upon the pathway 
of European and Northern immigration. Our acquisitions since 1773, have extended the 
Southern States and Territories to 882,245 square miles, while the North has expanded 
to 1 903,204 square' miles. Assuming that the Northwestern territory belonged to Vir- 
ginia, and deducting that from the area of the South, it will be found that the South has 
increased less than fifty per cent, and the north nearly 1100 per cent, in extent, since the 
Revolution. The South has relinquished to the North 251,671 square miles, constituting 
the present States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin. The North has 
never relinquished one foot of the original territory, and in the divisions of that which 
has been acquired, it has succeeded in gaining the largest proportion. 

This controversy does not grow out of a claim by either party that the Constitution 
shall be changed, but with regard to the construction that should be given to that instru- 

3 



18 

ment. The S 'ith claim that they have a right to take their slaves into all the territories, 
by virtue of tin lonstitutional compact, as construed by the Supreme Court, and because 
slavery originally < isted in them, with the exception of those gained from Mexico. They 
deny that slavery waa abolished when they were added to our Union, and they deny the 
power of Congress to legislate against those rights of property which were recognized in 
our whole country at the time of the Revolution, and which were upheld by the laws of 
every State save one, when the Constitution was formed. 

The South docs not ask to extend slavery. They say it exists in the Territories. The 
Republicans assert that slavery shall not be extended They contend it does not exist 
in the Territories, but not content with leaving this question to the decision of the 
appointed tribunals, they demand ' legislation in the form of provisos or declarations in 
the nature of that contained in the ordinance regarding the northwest, which assume the 
existence of slavery in the disputed regions, in the absence of positive prohibitions. They 
show a distrust in their own constitutional constructions and historical statements, by 
demanding Congressional interferences and restraints and under the cry of " No Exten. 
sion! " they are in fact agitating for repeal and restrictions which are of no significance 
unless slavery has the legal existence which they deny. 

HOW SHALL THIS CONTROVERSY BE SETTLED ? 

Our fathers disposed of the same or similar difficulties, by compromises. Adjustments 
have been made from time to time in the progress of our government. The condition of 
our affairs forces upon us the alternative of compromise or civil war. Let us contemplate 
the latter alternative. "We are advised by the conservative States of Yirginia and 
Kentucky that if force is to be used it must be exerted against the united South. It 
would be an act of folly and madness, in entering upon this contest, to underrate our 
opponents, and thus subject ourselves to the disgrace of defeat in an inglorious warfare. 
Let tis also see if successful coercion by the North is less revolutionary than successful 
secession by the South. Shall we prevent revolution by being foremost in overthrowing 
the principles of our government, and all that makes it valuable to our people, and dis- 
tinguishes it among the nations of the earth? Upon whom are we to wage war? Our 
own countrymen, whose white population is threefold that of the whole country in the 
time of the Revolution. Their courage has never been epiestioned in any contest in 
which we have been engaged. They battled by our side with equal valor in the Revo- 
lutionary struggle, in the last war with Great Britain, and in the Mexican conflict. 
Virginia sent her sons, under the command of Washington, to the relief of beleaguered 
Boston. Alone, the South defeated the last and most desperate effort of British power 
to divide our country, at the battle of New Orleans. From the days of Washington till 
this time, they have furnished their full proportion of Soldiers for the field, of Statesmen 
for the cabinet, and of wise and patriotic Senators for our legislative halls. 

It is only bigotted ignorance that denies the equality of their public men to those of 
the North. To assume that our brethren in fifteen States lack the capacity to under- 
stand, and the ability to protect their own interests, is to assume that our government is 
a failure, and ought to be overturned. It is to declare that nearly one-half of our people 
are incapable of self-government. They have a vast extent of fertile land, producing, not 
only exclusively the cotton, rice and sugar cultivated in the United States, but a great 
abundance of the cereals and of animal food. The census of 1850 shows that they pro- 
duced more than one-half of the Indian Corn and of the live stock raised in the United 
States, and that they also manufactured one-sixth of the cotton cloth, one-quarter of the 



19 

raw and one-sixth of the -wrought iron made in our country. In addition they have a 
vast abundance of coal, iron, copper and lead, and every element of wealth and strength. 
They have availed themselves of these advantages to an extent far exceeding what ia 
understood by the people of the North. 

I beg those who have been misled by constant and designe 1 misrepresentation to study 
the statistics of our country, and they will see how grossly they have been deceived. A 
war upon them would lead to still greater development, of tbjeir industry in competition 
with our own, as the late war with Great Britain made the United States her most 
formidable competitor in manufacturing and in the arts. "When we compare our local 
legislation with theirs, we have reason to blush. The united debts of the Slave States, 
excepting Virginia and Missouri, are not equal to that of Penm lvania, and their taxation 
less than that imposed upon the people of the State of New Tor!< ; and yet they have an 
extended and effective system of internal improvement, while they have avoided the 
ruinous competition growing out of an undue number of railroads, &c. 

In what way is this warfare to be conducted ? None have been mad enough to pro- 
pose to muster armies to occupy their territory. ' Great Britain tried that in the Revolu- 
tion, when the population of the South was less than 2,000,000. She attempted invasion 
again in the late war, when their numbers were less than 3,500,000. Nay, more, while 
she armed Indian savages to carry murder and rapine into the homes of the North, she 
attempted to excite a servile insurrection in the South. For this we cursed her brutal 
inhumanity. Her own indignant Statesmen expressed their abhorrence on the floor of 
Parliament ; and yet, at this day, those who quote British journals to influence American 
opinions, have intimated that there might be a gratification of their hate in the burning 
homes of murdered families of their ovm countrymen, or by cutting the embankments of 
the Mississippi and submerging their land. 

But some have suggested with complacent air that the South could be easily subju- 
gated by blockading their ports with a few ships of war. Let these gentlemen study the 
geography of our country. While the Atlantic coast line of the Northern States is 851 
miles, that of the South, including the Gulf of Mexico, is 3,076.' We have 189 and they 
have 249 harbors. Great Britain, with her immense fleet, attempted blockade, and failed. 
But, assuming the success of thin measure, who are to be the sufferers ? Are we waging 
war upon the South or upon the North? Upon the Southern planter, or upon the 
Northern merchant, manufacturer and mechanic? This coasting trade is the chief sup- 
port of Northern commerce. — the prize which Great Britain struggled so long and so 
persistently to gain. Not only do our ships carry the products of the South, but, at this 
time, our manufacturers annually consume of their cotton to the amount of more than 
$40,000,000. In the hands of Northern carriers and artisans, this becomes worth more 
than $150,000,000. The whole price for the cotton crop received from all the world 
about $200,000,000 each year, is paid out to the labor and industry of the North. We 
can inflict great misery upon the South, but could human ingenuity devise a warfare 
more destructive to all the interests of the Northern States of this Confederacy ? But, 
say our Republican friends, these evils may be averted by our internal channels. If we 
thus evade the blockade of the South, to what end is all it cost brought on us ? Is it an 
object to disturb the course of trade, in order to ruin Northern seamen and merchants 
and cities ? 

But let us leave these pecuniary considerations for others more weighty with every 
patriot. Upon what field shall this contest be waged ? Upon what spot shall American 
shed American blood? Where, on this broad continent, shall we find the arena, where 



20 

every association and memory of the past will not forbid this fratricidal contest ? Or 

-when unnatural war shall have brought upon our people its ruin, and upon our natic n 

its shame, to what ground shall we be brought at last ? To that we should have 

accepted at the outset. 

COMPROMISE. 

The question is simply this: Shall we have compromise after war or compromise with- 
out war ? Shall we be aided in this settlement by the loss of national honor, the de- 
struction of individual interest, the shedding- of blood, and by carrying misery and 
mourning into the homes of our people ? Mr. President, the honor of the North, the 
parties to the controversy, and the object in dispute, demand a compromise of this diffi- 
culty. I say the honor of the Xorth demands a conciliatory policy. When our 
Constitution was formed there was but one free State. To-day there are ID free and 15 
slave States. Then there were but two Senators from the free States; now we have a 
majority of eight in the Senate, and this will soon, be increased. Then there were but 
eight represenatives from the free States ; under the census of 1860 -we will have in the 
proportion of 151 members to 75. Then our population was about equally divided 
between the Northern and Southern States (the North 1,96S,455, the South 1,961,372 ;) 
to-day we number more than 1S,000,000, they about 12,000.000. 

These results are due »ot alone to natural causes, but to the policy that favored the 
commercial interest and immigration from other lands. This policy has ever been 
upheld loyally by the South, and history tells you by whom it was opposed. Would it 
not be base and cowardly to withhold at this day those courtesies and that consideration 
which we showed in the days of their comparative strength? Did not one of our dis- 
tinguished Senators then declare that comity demanded that we should permit them to 
travel through our State with their slaves, and that, therefore, he was opposed to the 
repeal of the law which allowed them to remain here for a period of nine months ; and 
did not his colleague, then a member of the House of Representatives, vote against 
allowing a petition for abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia to be read or 
referred? "Were bills designed to embarrass the exercise of their rights to reclaim fugi- 
tives, then found upon the Statute books of the Northern States ? By the increase of 
our population, under the adjustment of the Constitution, the power and control of the 
destinies of our country' are placed in the hands of the North. Does not every senti- 
ment of patriotism and of honesty demand that we shall exercise this power in a spirit 
of conciliation and forbearance? And is it not a just cause for. alarm to our Southern 
brethern to find men and journals who stood by them in the past, now becoming their 
most bitter and unscrupulous assailants, when their political power is weakened? 

THE SUBJECT OF CONTROVERSY* DEMANDS A COMPROMISE. 

It grows out of the acquisition of territories not contemplated by the Constitution — out 
of an expansion of our territory from 820.G80 to 2,936.160 square miles. In the progress 
of our country this has given rise to conflicting views, and our leading statesmen have, 
at different times, held inconsistent opinions. Mr. Calhoun, at one time, decided, while 
a member of the Cabinet, that Congress had the power of legislating upon territorial 
questions. At a later day he took the opposite ground. John Quincy Adams, who 
opposed the admission of Missouri as a slave State in 1836, on the occasion of the admis- 
sion of Arkansas, used the following language: 

"Mr. Chairman — I cannot consistently with my sense of my obligations as a citizen of 
the United States, and bound by oath to support their Constitution, I cannot object to the 



21 

admission of Arkansas into the Union as a slave State; I cannot jiropose or agree to make 
it a condition of her admission that a Convention ofherpeoph shall expknge this article from 
her Constitution. She is entitled to admission as a slave State as Louisiana and Missis- 
sippi, and Alabama and Missouri, have been admitted, by virtue of that article in the 
treaty for the acquisition of Louisiana, which secures to the inhabitants of the ceded 
territories all the rights, privileges and immunities of the original citizens of the United 
States, and stipulates for their admission, conformably to that principle, into the L T nion. 
Louisiana was purchased as a country wherein slavery was the established law of the 
land. As Congress have not power in time of peace to abolish slavery in the original 
States of the Union, they are equally destitute of the power in those parts of the ter- 
ritory ceded by France to .the United States, by the name of Louisiana, where slavery 
existed at the time of the acquisition. Slavery is, in this Union, the subject of interna^ 
legislation in the States, and in peace is cognizable by Congress only, as it is tacitly 
tolerated and protected where it exists by the Constitution of the United States, and as 
it mingles in their intercourse with other nations. Arkansas, therefore, comes, and has 
the right to come into the L T nion with her slaves and her slave laws. It is written in the 
bond, and however I may lament that it ever was so written, I must faithfully perform 
its obligations." 

The region acquired by the Louisiana purchase, extending from the Gulf of Mexico to 
the Canadian line, and, on its Northern limit, reaching from the Mississippi to the Pacific, 
comprehends most that is valuable and important of the remainiug territories. Citizens 
of the South hold as confidently and as sincerely that they are entitled to carry their 
slaves into this region, as does the Republican that they have no such right. We have 
had, heretofore, similar questions of jurisdiction between our own and foreign govern- 
ments. "When Great Britain seized, in the northeast, a jjortion of our country, which 
we held by the sacred title gained by the blood and sufferings of the Revolution, every 
American believed it was an unjust invasion ; but we adjusted the difficulty by a new 
boundary. Again, when she made a claim on a part of the same Louisiana purchase on 
the northwest coast, we denied its justice, but yielded up to the jurisdiction of the crown 
167,365 square miles of the most valuable part of the Pacific coast, including its finest 
harbors and greatest commercial facilities. We gave up an area greater than New 
England, New York, Pennsylvania and New Jersey combined. Shall we yield to a 
foreign nation and to a system of government condemned by our Constitution, what we 
will not concede to our own countrymen? Shall we, for the sake' of peace, subject vast 
regions to principles of government antagonistic to our own, and then destroy 'our 
Union by refusing a compromise which would give to the South the occupation of a less 
valuable territory in consideration of their giving up what thej r believe to be their con- 
stitutional right to occupy the whole? Is there any reason why we should be less 
conciliatory now than we have been heretofore, and are there not obvious ones why we 
should be more so, in view of our relative power ? Did the men who now raise the cry 
of no compromise and no concession, hold that language when we had a controversy 
with the crown of Great Britain ? 

Let us look at the objections which are urged to this policy. It is said this question 
was decided at the late election. Questions of constitutional law are not to be decided 
by elections ; if they were our Constitution would be worthless, and all its guarantees 
of the rights of States and of individuals, of rights of conscience and religious liberty 
might be annihilated. Neither is it true that the late canvass shows that the popular 
will is opposed to compromise. Mr. Lincoln was made President by a constitutional 



22 

vote, and is entitled to our loyal and cheerful support, and he shall have it ; but this is 
not the oniy result of the late contest. If two millions of voters declared themselves in 
favor of the principles put forth by his party, three millions declared themselves 
opposed to them: if the Republicans triumphed in the choice of the Executive, we' 
triumphed in gaining Congress, which makes the laws he is bound to carry out, without 
regard to his own views. If all parties will yield to the results of the last election, and 
the President elect will declare that he will be governed by the will of the people and 
not by the will of a party, and that he will not exert the influence of his place to defeat 
measures of compromise, peace will be restored to our land. I hold that those who 
point to the Chicago platform, and not to the Constitution, as the guide of his conduct, 
do him a base wrong. I know that there are some that treat him as a man with mana- 
cles upon his hands ; who boast that they hold in the Chicago platform a chattel mort- 
gage upon his conscience and his opinion. All honest -men declare, if he allows the 
declarations put forth in the heat of a political contest, to control his actions against his 
own judgment, he will deserve impeachment and degradation from his high office. I 
repel, for one, the imputations thus made against Mr. Lincoln, and the claims thus 
impudently put forth to personal and peculiar liens on his views as most injurious to 
his honor and his influence. Before the election, it was said by his friends he was the 
man best fitted to adjust the jarring conflicts of the day. Let him then continue to hold 
the national and dispassionate position which was then claimed for him. "We invoke 
the Republicans not to charge that he will be a traitor to his country by making a 
partisan creed, and not the solemn oath of his office, the guide of his conduct. 

It is also said that the honor and dignity of our government wdl not permit measures 
of compromise at this moment. 'When the present difficulty was only threatened, we 
were told, in answer to our appeals for an adjustment, that there was no cause for 
alarm; that the South could not be driven out of the Union: that the time had not come 
for compromises; now, that six States have withdrawn, we are. told it is too late, that 
the dignity of the government will not permit it to make concessions. The error consists 
in confounding the action of a few States with the position of the whole Sotith. We 
admit that you cannot offer Constitutional compromises to States that declare themselves 
outside of the pale of the Constitution. But is the attitude of South Carolina to be 
urged against the appeals of patriotic men in Virginia? Are we to drive the Border 
States into concert of action with those who defy the power of your government! Are 
we to give an impulse to revolution by indifference to the appeals of patriotic men and 
by insulting threats of coercion, and by irritating displays of power '? Which cause 
was heljfed at the South by the tender of arms by our own State. — that of Union or 
that of Secession ? All know that the future fate of our country depends upon the 
action of the Border States, and while the beam trembles, New York throws its sword 
into the scale and inclines it in favor of revolution. This called from the conservative 
Governor of Virginia, the declaration that " nothing that has occurred in the progress of 
this controversy has been worse timed and less excusable. If New York desires to 
preserve the Union a tender of men and money, under the promptings of passion, pre-; 
judice and excitement, will not produce this result." We do not ask concessions for 
men in open resistence to government, but to those who are struggling for the preserva- 
tion of onr Union. Shall we have no sympathy for those upon whom the whole weight 
of this contest falls ? Can we listen, nnmoved, to the entreaties of the Governor of 
Maryland, of the Senator of Kentucky, or refuse to second the patriotic efforts of Vir- 
ginia? Can we so entirely forget the past history of our country, that we can stand 



23 

upon the point of pride against States whose citizens battled with our fathers and 
poured out with them' their blood upon the soil of our State, amid the Highlands of the 
Hudson, and. on the fields of Saratoga? I ask the old men within the sound of my 
voice, to what quarter did you look for sympathy during the last war with Great Britain, 
when New York was assailed upon the shores of Erie and Ontario, and when the disci- 
plined troops, who had successfully fought against Napoleon in the Peninsula, invaded 
us with co-operating fleets by the channel of Lake Champlain? Was it not to the 
States of the South ? Is it well that States which then refused to allow their militia to 
pass their own borders to combat a common enemy, should be so prompt to tender them 
now to battle against our own countrymen ? 

But it is urged, as a further objection, that at the instance of the South, we once com- 
promised this territorial question, and that it has been untrue to the adjustment, although 
it was made at its own request, and against the wishes of the North. This misstatement 
has been most injurious in its influence upon the public mind. The Governor of New 
York, in his late message, says, this State strenuously opposed the establishment of the 
compromise line of 1820. In this he is mistaken; it was voted for by every Northern 
Senator, and the only opposition to this line came from the South. The New York 
Senators voted against the admission of Missouri, even after the passage of the act 
establishing the line at 36 degrees 30 minutes. The establishment of this line was a 
Northern measure — every Northern man voting for it — the whole opposition to it coming 
from the South. It is true that after the amendment was engrafted on the bill, many 
Northern men voted against the act, but that was opposition to the admission of Mis- 
souri, and not to the line. The South was compelled to accede to it to secure the 
admission of Missouri ; but it always held it to be an infringement upon its rights. Even 
when this concession was made to the North, the Senators from this and other Northern 
States, whose votes engrafted in the bill what is called the compromise line, voted 
against the act. The South did not even gain by this concession the votes of Northern 
Senators, except two, one from New Hampshire and one from Rhode Island. Mr. 
Lincoln admits that this opposition to the admission of Missouri was unjustifiable, and 
that he was in favor of letting new States come into this Confederacy, with or without 
slavery, as they might elect. In offering to take this line, which gives to the North the 
largest share of the most valuable portion of our territories, it feels that it is meeting us . 
more than half way in its efforts for adjustment. 

But it is said that a compromise of this controversy will be a sacrifice of principle to 
which honest men cannot assent. Then the Constitution itself cannot be supported by 
honest men, for it is based upon and made up of compromises. ' It is not proposed to 
make a new constitution, or to alter the terms of the existing one, all parties at the 
North and South alike claim that they only demand their present rights under that 
instrument; but owing to causes to which I have referred, an antagonism springs up in 
regard to its construction, and this must be settled by force or by adjustment. Let us 
take care that we do not mistake passion and prejudice and partizan purposes for princi- 
ple. The cry of no compromise is false in morals, it is treason to the spirit of the 
Constitution ; it is infidelity in religion, the cross itself is a compromise and is pleaded 
by many who refuse all charity to their fellow citizens. It is the vital principle of social 
existence, it unites the family circle ; it sustains the church, and upholds nationalities. 

But the Republicans complain that having won a victory, we ask them to surrender 
its fruits. We do not wish them to give up any political advantage. We urge measures 
which are demanded by the honor and the safety of our Union. Can it be that they 



24 

arc loss concerned than we are ? Will they admit that they have interests antagonistic 
to those of the whole commonwealth ? Are they making sacrifices, when they do that 
which is required b} r the common welfare? 

The objects of this Convention are, to assure the conservative men of the South that 
they have at least the sympathy of 312,000 electors of Xew York in the contest in 
which they are engaged, and to keep the Border States in the Union, and thus ulti- 
mately restore its integrity. But we have another purpose. This is not the time for 
the exhibition of party spirit. We propose to bury party differences ; we seek to 
restore the moral power of Xew York, so that it may now, as in times past, be the 
theatre upon which the cause of our country shall triumph. To do this we must have 
uuity of action — all must agree to submit to some tribunal. The present difficulties 
have sprung into existence since the last popular election ; they have taken this whole 
community by surprise, and conflicting views are held with regard to the proper line of 
action. To secure this union of purpose, for one, I am in favor of making an appeal to 
the Republicans and to the Legislature of this State to submit the proposition of Senator 
Crittenden, to the vote of the People of Xew York ; if it is approved, then we will exert 
ourselves to secure an adjustment upon that basis ; if, upon the other hand, it is rejected, 
then we shall know that the people of this State are opposed to the policy of compro- 
mise, and conciliation. 1 do not fear the result. But if it is, unhappily, true that the 
ultra Republicans represent the people of the State, then are the days of the Republic 
numbered. Then the future is dark and uncertain. We may have not only one but 
many Confederacies. Before we are involved in the evils and horrors of domestic war, 
let those upon whom it will bring bankruptcy and ruin, and into whose homes it may 
carry desolation and death, be allowed to speak in favor of the policy of peace. If the 
Legislature do not, it will be because they dare not let the popular sentiment be uttered. 
If the public voice is heard, all will yield to its decisions and we shall be united in 
action. In the downfall of our nation and amidst its crumbling ruins we will cling to 
the fortunes of Xew York. We will stand together and so shape the future that its 
glory, and greatness, and wonderful advantages shall not be sacrificed to rival interests. 
We will loyally follow its flag through the gloom and perils of the future, and in the 
saddest hour there wil remain a gleam of hope, and we can still hail with pride the 
motto emblazoned on its shield, excelsior ! 

On motion, the Convention adjourned to -§ past 9 o'clock to-morrow. 



SECOND BAY. 

The Convention met at 10 o'clock, and was called to order by the President. 

A delegate moved, that as the Committees on Resolutions and Credentials were not 
ready to report, the speech of Senator Seward, delivered yesterday in the U. S. Senate, 
be read in Convention. 

.Mr. Browee, of Xew York, objected to the motion as unnecessary, since the speech, 
a portion of which would give general satisfaction, was published in the papers, and 
would be read by all. 

Loud cries were made for Mr. Tremaln t , who appeared upon the stand, and was re- 
ceived with loud applause. 



25 



HON. LYMAN TREMAIN'S ADDRESS. 

Mr. Trejiain, addressing the Convention, said: 

Gentlemen : It has been with unfeigned regret that a professional engagement in a 
pending trial prevented me from taking part in your proceedings yesterday. I regard it 
■as a high honor, as well as a great privilege, to be permitted to participate in the pro- 
ceedings and action of a body of men like that which I see gathered before me. I am 
certain, gentlemen, that higher, nobler, purer motives never animated a Convention 
assembled in this State, than those objects and purposes which have prompted you to 
to leave your respective residences and gather here at the Capital at this unusual season 
of the year for holding a political Convention. [Applause.] You come here, gentlemen, 
not for the purpose of sharing in the distribution either of State or Federal patronage. 
No special or general election is pending at this time, and there is no opportunity to 
promote any selfish purpose in reference to the selection of candidates for offices to be 
filled by the people of the State. You have come because the country calls upon her 
sons to take counsel together to promote the public welfare and preserve the Union of 
these States. [Applause.] You come, to be sure, under the call of an organization 
embracing, with the aid of those generous and noble allies that worked with us, while 
defeat was staring us in the face, in the recent 'election ; under an organization that en- 
rolled 312.000 freemen in the State of New York. [Cheers.] But although you come 
thus here, you come not as partizans. [Applause.] The partizan sinks into the higher 
claims of our country and patriotism; and gentlemen, strong as I have ever been in my 
attachment and devotion to the principles of the old organization under whose call we 
have assembled, I think I speak not only my own sentiments, but those of every delegate 
that I see before me, when I say I should be willing at this time to cast aside every po- 
litical feeling and trample under foot all the prejudices of the past, if by so doing I could 
contribute to preserve the American Union and its Constitution. [Loud cheers.] 

Yes. gentlemen, that great work that we supposed was accomplished successfully 
through the instrumentality of the American revolution, is now threatened with des- 
truction. This great fabric, this noble political structure, known as the American Union, — 
the foundations of which were laid by our fathers, more than seventy years ago, and upon 
the preservation and perpetuity of which depend so intimately the future welfare and 
prosperity of thirty millions of freemen, — this edifice, the admiration of the world, that 
has gone on increasing in its power, its majestic proportions, its beauty and its strength, 
is now tottering from its foundation to its summit. [Applause.] Your mission here' 
.gentlemen, on this occasion is to see if that noble edifice cannot still be preserved. Your 
mission here is to save, and not to destroy. Your mission is to rekindle those flames oj 
fraternal regard between the members of the different portions of this Confederacy that 
contributed to the establishment of that government, and without which all your con- 
stitutions are but empty paper bonds, without vitality, and without binding efficacy. 
[Loud Applause.] I say, gentlemen, that you come not as partizans, although you rally 
under the call of a political committee; your coming together, however, under such a 
c:.ll, is a work of necessity, if you would do anythink to save this noble fabric to which 
I have alluded. 

And although when I speak to you, I shall endeavor to avoid denouncing any one, 
yet in order to vindicate the position we occupy, we must speak plainly of the facts and 

4 



26 

the participation of leading men in those things which have produced the necessity that 
has called you together on this occasion. (Cheers.) And now, gentlemen, what is the 
condition of the country? You have, within three months past, gone through a Presi- 
dential election that resulted in the choice of a President and Vice-President from the 
Northern section of this confederacy : an election, too, in which the people of fifteen 
States were practically excluded from any participation. And although warnings came 
before that election, and although the noble old organization with which we are con- 
nected, reiterated those warnings, everywhere, that the same results would follow from 
that election that we now see around us, we were told these were the idle vauntings, 
the empty gasconade of a political organization. We were told by the Republican papers 
and orators that the election of Abraham Lincoln would pour od upon the troubled 
waters, and so sure as he was elected we would find peace and tranquility taking the 
place of strife; and many of our allies, men opposed to the election of Lincoln and 
Hamlin, embracing a large portion of the mercantile interest in the city of Xew York, 
bravely resolved that, for the purpose of keeping the election of President out of the 
House of Representatives, they would sustain Lincoln and Hamlin for the office of Presi- 
dent and Yice-Presidcnt, and make a sacrifice of principle to preserve the peace of the 
country. And now, gentlemen, votes thus obtained, that were not at all in harmony or 
sympathv with the irreat objects of the election, are said to have settled the cptestion ; 
and the Chicago platform is said to be endorsed by the people, with the doctrine that 
not another foot of slave territory is to be allowed to come into the Union. All the 
anti-slavery principles that entered into the election are said to be irrevocably settled; 
and it is declared that the people must not back down from the position where they 
have themselves planted the dominant party of the State. [Applause.] And what has 
been the result ? Six sovereign States have already passed acts annulling, as far as 
they can do it, the relation that existed between those States and the Federal Govern- 
ment. The People of those States, in the most solemn form in which public expression 
can be made, through the action of the Legislatures and through the action of Conven- 
tions chosen upon this very subject, have declared that they will break away from the 
government, which they say, and no doubt believe, is changed from the position of a 
paternal government, to one hostile to their interests and opposed to them. [Applause.] 
Now what more ? You find a movement going on in more or less of the remaining 
nine slave-holding States, tending in the same direction. Conventions called in Texas, 
&c. which are soon to follow in the same direction. And what more? "What has old 

Virginia done the old patriotic commonwealth which has in all past time done so much 

to cement and strengthen the American Union ? While with one hand she is holding 
out the olive branch, imploring the President and people to take no action that would 
precipitate hostilities, she at the same time has resolved, with great unanimity, that an 
attempt by coercion and force to bring the power of the Federal Government against 
those seceding States, will be resisted by all the power of old Virginia. [Loud applause.] 
And what more has she said? She has said to us that if the time must come when a 
Southern Confederacy is to be formed, and no concession or compromise is made, afford- 
ing a common basis upon which these difficulties may be' settled, the honor and interest 
of Virginia demand that that State shall cast her lot in witli her sisters of the South. 
Does any one acquainted with the promptings of human nature, acquainted with the 
spirit of pride and independence that prevails as well at the South as at the North, flatter 
himself with the delusive hope that if the first drop of blood is shed by the Federal 
Government in this collision, a single slave-holding State would be found remaining with 



27 

the North, while interest draws her irresistably in an opposite direction. [Cheers.] Yon 
may sing- hozannas to your Union; yon may attempt to influence the weak and wavering 
by the cry, " You must not back down — we must sustain Lincoln and ratify the Chicago 
platform; all these thing's will blow over in a short time!" And yet these facts stare 
you in the face. In the Senate Chamber alreadyare twelve vacant Senatorial chairs; in 
the House of Kepresentatives are thirty-one vacant seats,- filled until recently by the 
representatives of Sovereign and independent States. [Applause.] No man who is 
not blind to the teachings of the past, can doubt for one moment that if the strong arm 
of the Federal Government is wielded to' punish the people of a single seceding State, 
it will be the signal for the consolidation of every slave-holding State of the South. 
[Cheers.] And yet, gentlemen, under these circumstances, what has been done by the 
representatives of the dominant sentiment of the North ? Has there been, during the 
three months that have elapsed, while these warnings have been given, and one State 
after another has been withdrawing — has there been, on the part of the representatives 
of the Northern sentiment, one single act tending to conciliation or compromise ? Before 
you assembled, I mean. You would have been glad to see the party in power take the 
initiative to preserve the Union of these States and whatever is left of this government. 
Has not every proposition originating in the Senate and House, and laid before the Gene- 
ral Committee appointed in either of these bodies, been voted contemptuously down ? 
Has not every such proposition, including the Crittenden resolutions offered in the 
Senate, and the Border State proposition, been voted contemptuously down? Has there 
been one single indication that this party was willing to come forward and meet their 
brethren of the South on common ground of conciliation? On the contrary, they cry 
" The Chicago Platform must be sustained by the people." They say, " We cannot 
change our position ; we have done nothing wrong; we cannot treat with rebels ; we 
have no negotiations to carry on with men standing with arms in their hands." And 
under this cry the country is drifting on as rapidly as the American Eevolution itself 
was inaugurated. You are going on with such celerity, and events succeed each other 
with such startling rapidity, that you have scarcely time to recover from one astounding 
piece of intelligence before another equally astounding and important reaches your ears. 
[Applause.] Yet, amidst all this wreck and confusion you hear the dulcet notes from 
the party in power "Oh. it is only a little storm; it will soon blow over! " First, they 
said, "It is merely South Carolina: she cannot exist alone outside of the Union! " Then 
the six States secede, and the Premier elect says, "It is only the Gulf States! " Every 
measure is taken to inflame the Northern sentiment against the South. Yet we are told 
in a little time it will all blow over! Never before was there an instance of delusion so 
complete or so destructive, since the days of the last man of the old world, who, as it is 
stated, during the flood, was standing on the summit of a mountain, the water up to his 
chin, and, seeing the ark approaching, he asked Noah for a seat, but being refused, he 
said, " Go on Noah, with your old ark, I guess it's not going to be much of a storm after 
all." [Laughter and applause.] 

And no\\> Mr. President and gentlemen, how is it in our own State ? The party in 
the majority complain of us for calling a political convention ! Has there been one single 
proposition brought forward there that has not been first submitted to the iron rule of 
party caucus? Has there been one proposition eminating from there, wjjich meets with 
a response in the breast of Union men everywhere, that has not been thrown into the 
machinery of a party caucus, and then laid upon the table? In the meantime, irritat- 
ing resolutions have been passed, which call forth irritating responses from the South. 
Missouri, a Border State, which voted for a Northern man for the Presidency, has 



28 

recently resolved that the action of New York and Ohio, in their legislatures, is entirely 
unbecoming the occasion and calculated to produce strife. [Applause.] It is only after 
you have waited three months, and seeing there is no attempt at concession on the part 
of those who have the power— it is only under these circumstances— that you have 
resolved to come togetiier on this occasion. Let me. however, be understood." In the 
remarks that I have made. I desire not to be understood to cast reflections on the Re- 
publican organization. I honestly believe that the men in power do not represent the 
principles of their own constituents. [Cheers] When they talk of sustaining the 
Chicago Platform, you find it is but little sustained in this- State. The Chicago Platform 
proclaimed the doctrine of negro equality. The adoption of -Mr. Gidding's motion to in- 
corporate into that platform the sentiment that all men were created free and equal and 
had a right to liberty, meant that or it meant nothing. It was intended to be so un- 
derstood, and was so construed by the abolitionists, and yet., when the question was 
practically submitted to the people of this State, only -200.000, out of 650.000 electors 
could be found who were willing to endorse the doctrine of the equality of the African 
with the white man. [Applause.] 

The great truth is that the issue now involved has never been passed on by the people 
of the State; and before the government is broken up, we, interested in its honor and 
preservation, have a right to demand— we do demand and say to the Legislature, this j s 
a government of the people, you are not our masters, you are our servants, and as our 
servants we demand at your hands that you shall give us a chance to vote upon the 
question whether this Union shall be sacrificed and broken tip or not. [Prolonged ap- 
plause.] I say. gentlemen, you have called this Convention here under a political 
organization. Why? Not because you desired to do it. You hare waited for a Con- 
vention to be called through your legislature, in which all the people could have par 
ticipated. No opportunity was given you. You have, as yet, seen no sufficient breaking 
away from party ties on the part of the dominant party to warrant a call signed by the 
leaders of all parties, asking for the people of the State to assemble; and therefore it 
was necessary that you should either remain indifferent and inactive in a period of danger 
and peril, or that you should resort to the only mode left ef appealing to the people to 
come and consider the difficulties of this occasion. [Cheers.] I believe a large portion 
of the intelligent, thinking masses of the party in power, do not sympathise with the 
position occupied by their leaders, and lam proud to say. I see many honorable ex- 
ceptions everywhere, and I should do injustice to my own feelings, if I did not mention 
among these the name of my old friend the Hon. LtTcius Robinson, a native of my own 
county, who has not only introduced resolutions for conciliation and peace, but has suf- 
ficient manliness about him to stand up in defiance of the iron rule of the caucus and 
maintain his position as a patriot and a man. [Applause.] There is another man to 
whom I wish to do justice— a man whose brains have contributed more than any other 
in the State to defeat and overthrow the Democratic party— a man who has furnished 
sagacity and intellect for the Republican organi-zation from the time of its commencement 
That man is rising above the obligations of party, and is appealing to his political friends 
to take the view of this crisis which is entertained by the Democratic party. I mea n 
Thurlow Weed. [Loud applause.] When they talk about our being a partlzan Con- 
vention, I ask Whether any better 'evidence could be furnished of the entire surrender of 
partizan prejudice, than the very manner in which you have just received the name of 
our old political enemy. [Cheers.] But as I said before, it is a matter of^necessitv that 
you should come in this manner, and you are here. 



29 

And now the question may be asked of me, do you intend to sustain the position as- 
sumed by the seeeding States and the people of the South? Do rou stand here to argue 
that secession is aright reserved under the Constitution? Do you take the Southern 
position, that this Confederacy is a mere partnership liable to' be terminated at the 
pleasure of either of the parties ? I answer emphatically, No! [Applause.] The Con- 
statution was the work of the people of the United States, and intended to be perpetual 
It created a Government winch denies to every State becoming a party to it the rightto 
make treaties, coin money, emit hills of credit, keep troops or ships, or exercise other 
powers which independent nations may exercise. This surrender of sovereignly can 
only be recalled by an amendment of the Constitution, made in the manner provided by 
^ that instrument or by Revolution. In my judgment, secession can be sustained only as 
any other revolution can be, for causes sufficient to warrant the people in throwing off 
the govermnent-a right reserved under the Constitution, and existing inherently in the 
people,— obtained not from government, but from the Almighty Ruler of the" world, 
[Loud cheers.] 

And if there be any body of men who have good reason to complain of the action of 
the South, it is the Great National Democratic organizations of the North, who have 
stood by them, hand in hand, and shoulder to shoulder, in all the past contests for their 
constitutional rights. [Cheers.] We have been true to the Constitution, when to be 
faithful and loyal to that was to sacrifice ourselves beneath the tide of Northern Aboli. 
tion fanaticism. [Applause.] And when, in the last contest, we went into it with 
defeat staring us hi the face, in consequence of our divisions, still we went with them, 
to secure the next important- citidcl of political power, a majority in the House of Rep- 
resentatives, which we succeed in obtaining. Abraham Lincoln has come into office 
comparatively powerless, except in the mere distribution of Federal patronage. He is 
checked by the Supreme Court and by the Legislative department of the government ; 
and when we had done this, we had a right to say to our friends of the South, stand by 
your guns! fight this battle within the Constitution and under the Union, and this 
disease in the body politic which has now culminated, will soon break, and 'a reaction 
come over the people of the country which will restore the Union to its original integrity, 
[Applause.] 

But, gentlemen, while I do not in the abstract, justify secession, we must not forget 
the fact that the South lias had the most terrible provocation to which civilized man has 
ever been subjected. What does the South see, on looking at the general aspect of 
affairs at the North ? They see this little cloud of abolitionism which, twenty-five years 
ago, was not larger than a man's hand, apparently, covering the dominant party of the 
North, and those who oppose it crushed down beneath the fearful juggernaut. [Cheers.] 
They see a party coming into power, who proclaim through its chosen candidate lor the 
Presidency, that this country cannot exist unless it be all free or all slave, and that the 
people will never be satisfied until slavery is put in a position within which it shall be 
confined until the period of its extinction. They see in the speeches made by the chosen 
and honored leaders of this party, declarations that the Constitution must be amended, 
and by the exclusion of all slave States, the character of such proposed amendment can 
easily be imagined. They hear the cry that the Supreme Court must be reorganized . 
and, in open disregard of the sentiment that has always prevailed in England and 
America, adjudications upon the precise point of Constitutional law must be disregarded 
and reversed. 

They see this party coming into power under the forms of the Constitution, seizing the 
government, as they believe, for the purpose of making war on the Constitution, sub. 



30 

verting and overthrowing the great principles without which the Constitution would 
never have been framed. They say, "this government is hostile to us. Here are four 
millions of slaves, constituting the basis of all our prosperity: held by virtue of an 
institution that we, our ministers, and our religion, regard as sanctioned by the Bible, as 
religiously as Northern Abolitionists believe it is wicked and unjust ; we arc just as firm 
in thai belief as the Abolitionists are in a contrary faith." And when they find the 
government turned into an engine of war and oppression, make the case your own. and 
then when you make all proper allowances for the fact that our Southern friends are 
more impulsive than we, that they live under a warmer sun and act more from impulse 
than the cooler calculating Yankee sons of the North. I ask whether they are doing very 
differently from what human nature would do any where under such circumstances ? 
[Cheers.] In other word?, is there a man who, if he could avoid it, would remain under 
the power of a government that he felt degraded him, that was controlled by those who 
having thus injured him, would say, as was said by the Pharisee of old, '-stand aside, I 
am holier thad thou.'' These are considerations which should be borne m mind when 
we are required to pass upon the question whether we should now, iu the heat of con- 
test, draw the sword and load the cannon, and point the bayonet, to crush out our 
Southern friends for their action on this subject. [Loud applause.] 

Gentlemen, the question then arises, what is to be done ? Are you powerless ? No. 
I tell you I anticipate that a voice and influence will go forth from this Convention that 
will not only reach the people here and reach the people South ; aye, and that will reach 
the men now in possession of power in this State and elsewhere. I bfelieve that voice — 
the calm, clear, decided voice of the Democracy of this State, giving notice to the men 
in power of what your views are, what your determination is in reference to the present 
exigency and new state of tilings arising, will not be without powerful influence in 
shaping the future action of the party. [Applause.] And time is important. Get time 
until the passions of men may cool. Prevent a collision which must inevitably result in 
civil war; give the people an opportunity to speak, and then will be time enough, if the 
time must ever come, when you shall unsheaththe sword against your Southern brethren. 
[Cheers.] In the meantime, I think we stand a unit, opposed to civil war. [Loud ap- 
plause.] 

A prominent leader of the Republican party in the Assembly, heralded your coming 
by the kind intimation that we must remember the Hartford Convention. This gentleman 
recently acted with the Democratic party, and we might suppose he was influenced a 
little by the ordinary zeal and devotion of a new convert, were it not that the remark, 
on its lace, must show lie is -a true friend and gives advice for our benefit and welfare. 
[Cheers ami laughter.] But I desire to say to that gentleman, that no man is a traitor 
except the man who in his heart hates his country. [Cheers.] And no man is more a 
traitor (although "dressed in a little brief authority,") than he whose action is influenced 
by a desire to gratify partizan hatred against his brethren in the Confederacy, by breaking- 
tip and destroying this noble government. We have gathered together upon a mission 
of peace, to save, preserve and restore the Lhiion in all its magnificence ; that Union 
which has made us honored abroad, and the destruction of which would leave us scat- 
tered and broken into half a dozen Confederacies, instead of the great Confederacy which 
stands a shining light to the down-trodden and oppressed throughout all the word. [Ap- 
plause.] We can afford to smile at the imbecile admonition that we must beware of the 
Hartford Convention ! 

Although comparatively powerless, great good may be done here to-day. I have a 
great desire to see that the position you occupy by your resolutions is not one of hos- 



31 

tility or partizanship, but a position in which all conservative men can unite. I will 
suggest a few things that I would be glad to see done. In the first place, I should be 
glad to see New York united with her sisters of the North in repealing all personal 
liberty hills. [Applause.] I would be glad to see the State of New York repeal the 
act of 1840, entitled an act to extend trial by jury, intended apparently on its face as it 
reads, to throw such obstructions around the constitutional provision as to render it 
ineffectual. I should like to see New York look back towards the origin of the diffi- 
culty, and pass laws making it a felony for any conspirators in the State of New York 
to concoct and contrive a scheme to depredate upon the soil, the property and lives of 
the citizens of a sister State in the manner that John Brown and his associates did. 
[Loud applause.] I should like to see that done. I would be willing to see, in the same 
emphatic form, a declaration to the effect that we do not sustain or approve of the 
grasping and unjust position that the fifteen States of the South who have, by their 
blood and treasure, contributed to procure the immense territory which Mr. Seward says 
is large enough for twenty-four States; I am unwilling to say that we desire to exclude 
the South from all participation in that territory, although we may have the power. 
And I should be glad to see something like the Crittenden resolutions or the Border 
State resolutions submitted to the vote of the people. [Prolonged applause.] Or the 
restoration, if you please, of the Missouri Compromise. I am free to say, I regard the 
repeal of that line as an unfortunate mistake. True it must now be deemed settled that 
Congress had no power to establish such a line, and I concur fully in that doctrine, but 
it was a measure that had become hallowed by time and the acquiescence of the people. 
Its repeal has stirred up the bitter waters of sectional strife, and when we are willing to see 
it restored and so declare ourselves, the party who opposed it is guilty of a greater mis- 
take than those who were instrumental in securing its repeal. Now, would the Northern 
conscience be disturbed by its restoration ? North of that line slavery cannot be estab- 
lished anywhere, and south of the line we leave the people to determine it for them- 
selves. North of that line, embracing three-fourths of the territory, the foot of a slave 
is not to be permitted to go. Tell me the people resolved, in the last election, that they 
would see the government go to pieces before they would sanction any proposition of 
that description ! I deny it in behalf of the conservative citizens of the 'State, and I 
believe a large majority of our citizens would to-day sustain that or any other kindred 
measure of conciliation and compromise. [Applause.] I would be glad to see the Con- 
vention sustain the patriotic message of the Governor asking the Legislature of New 
York to send Commissioners to meet with their brethren from Virginia to provide mea- 
sures for the common welfare ; and I do not think it was necessary for the party in 
power to hamper up the resolution with the restrictions that have been thrown around it. 
I do not see why it was necessary to have waited until a discussion grew up which may 
consign this measure also to a party caucus, to be laid upon the table. I would like this 
Convention to take up those and other measures tending towards conciliation and peace ; 
and wish to say that, traitorous though it may be, I stand here to oppose the policy of 
war with the South, now, hereafter and forever. [Enthusiastic applause.] In making 
that declaration, I do not entertain any doubt in reference to the ability or the will of 
the Democratic party to make war when the honor and interest of the country require 
•t. Look at the past history of the country. What but the Democratic party has done 
so much to make our name feared and honored in every land ? What but the Demo- 
cratic party has carried this country through the second war with Great Britain? What 
but the Democratic party has carried us through the war with Mexico, when the ances- 



32 

tors of this part}', who are now denouncing us as a "peace party," were denouncing- us 
for carrying on the war? These gentlemen seem to be all at once imbued with a new 
zeal for war; and that war is a war against your brethren, a war against your country- 
men, a war against those united with you by all the ties of consanguity, by all the 
memories and traditions of the past, by everything that can tend to strengthen and 
cement and bind the people of the North to the Sunt];. [Cheers.] That is the war you 
are -goaded to initiate, under a cry calculated to influence the weak and ignorant, of "No 
backiflg 'down! the Constitution must be preserved and the laws must be enforced.'' 
The State of New York, under a Constitution guarding it against debt, is called upon to 
inaugurate a policy of immense taxation, of untold millions of debt, in violation of the 
organic law; and for what? To make war upon our brethren of the South. 

For one, gentlemen, I desire to say that if the cities of our beloved country are to be 
sacked — if our nourishing towns and villages are to be laid waste by cruel, desolating, 
civil war — if the feet of soldiers are to be permitted to tread upon the smiling, fertile 
fields aud plantations of this land — if the soil of this glorious Republic is to be crim- 
soned with the blood of those united to us by all the ties that bind men together — if 
the swiri notes of peace, and the busy hum of industry, must give way to the hoarse 
sounds of war, to the groans of the wounded and dying, and the wailing and lamenta- 
tion of widows and orphans, made such by the cruel havoc of bloody war, I would have 
ho responsibility for this state of things resting on my shoulders, on yours, or on those 
we have the honor to represent. [Loud and long continued cheers.] And I think I am 
speaking for the unterfified, brave, conservative citizens of this State, when I say wo 
have not only no responsibility in this, but we give notice now that that war will be 
waged in spite of our opposition and against our endeavors. [Renewed cheers.] 

Gentlemen. I will not consider the question here whether that clay shall ever come 
when we will be justified in embarking in a war with our countrymen. "Sufficient unto 
the day is the evil thereof."' It is enough that now I am prepared to take the responsi- 
bility of saying I am resolved to resist it here and to resist everywhere. "And if that 
be treason, make the most of it.'' [Prolonged applause.] Yes. gentlemen, if that evil 
day has come, (which God forbid) that the days of this Confederacy are to be num- 
bered, and that now, in the very zenith of our power and glory we are to take our place 
among the dishonored Republics that exist only on the page of history — if, after all 
negotiations, we find we have reached that point we of the North can no longer say to 
our brethren of the South, nor, the South to the North, in the language of Ruth to 
Naomi : " Whither thou goest I will go, and where thou lodgest I will lodge — thy people 
shall be my people, and thy God my God;" if, I repeat, we have reached that point in our 
history, even then I would say, "Spare the blood of my brethren; let us part in peace; 
peaceably dissolve this Confederacy;" and no part of the responsibility shah rest on us> 
[Applause.] 

I have detained you too long. [Cries of no ! Go on.] I have only to say that I have 
given you these desultory disconnected thoughts honestly entertained and freely ex- 
pressed. They may not in all respects meet the views of this Convention. I hope, 
under all circumstances, you will show that you maintain and approve of a pacific 
policy; and if any of the suggestions I have made and the action of this Convention 
come in collusion, I shall, as a member of the Convention, cheerfully acquiesce in that 
action. I see around me the fathers of the State ; men who could be brought here by 
no other motive than one for the public weal ; men who have filled with honor and dis- 
tinction stations of trust and dignity in the government ; men at whose feet I would be 



33 

billing to sit; and whatever the action of this Convention may be, I shall feel and know 
that it will not be restrained or intimated by the fear of being called traitors; for there 
are enough of us to fill a large scaffold! should the utterance of the sentiments I have 
proclaimed be defined to be treason by the new laws sought to be enacted in your State. 
[Cheers.] Treason! I ought to have said that although the right of secession, as a 
remedy, does not legally exist, yet it should be borne in mind that in a government so 
thoroughly framed on mutual regard, when the people of our entire State rise and nullify 
the general government, your government is absolutely paralyzed. Why, you talk about 
treason. Could you punish a single citizen of a seceding State for treason ? You are in 
a, worse condition than Burke was when he said he could not frame an indictment for a 
while people in rebellion. Look at the Constitution- and you see that the party charged 
with treason must be tried in the State and District where the offence was committed. 
"Would you not have a nice time, in South Carolina, in attempting to punish a man for 
this treason! [Laughter and cheers.] In the first place the Judge has resigned, and 
then of course you have no Court Airain, the Marshal has resigned, and the District 
Attorney also, and you can have no Grand Jury, And when you have a Grand Jury, I 
should like to see the man who would go down there and make a complaint for treason. 
[Renewed laughter and applause.] I allude to this to show that the Confederacy can 
only exist when the people are attached to it. There is no analogy between this and the 
nullification contest. That was a contest between the government and a portion of the 
people of the State, who assumed to remain within the Union, and yet undertook to 
nullify the action of the government ; and the name of Andrew Jackson was never in- 
voked for a more unholy purpose than to sustain the idea that he would have sanctioned 
such arguments as are now being used in favor of civil war with the Southern States. 
[Loud cheers.] 

In conclusion, as I have already said, whatever may be your actions, I feel, and the 
country will feel, that it will be entitled to great respect by reason of the experience, the 
ability, the known public virtues, the integrity and the exalted patriotism of the mem- 
bers of the Convention. [Prolonged applause and cheers.] 

ADDRESS OF JAMES S. THAYER, Esq. 

Mr James S, Thayer, of New York, came forward and said: 

Mr. Chairman AND Gentlemen: Higher duties and responsibilities never devolved 
upon any body of men than those imposed upon this assembly. We are not, to be sure, 
called together by auy legislative authority; we are not here acting under . any legal 
sanctions ; but we are here to speak with significance and a warning, that legislative 
bodies may well heed, for we give expression to the sense and will of the people, as felt 
by them in this hour of most imminent peril to the country. [Cheers.] And there is 
one word I would say to the now dominant party, so confident and unyielding in its 
pride, both at Washington and in the Capital here — a word suggested by the answer of 
Diogenes to Alexander when he asked what he could do for him? "Stand from be- 
tween me and the sun," was the reply. I would say to those gentlemen, so imperial in 
their airs, so assured in the strength of recent victory, " stand from between us and the 
people." [Loud applause.] We are here to break down this legislative wall, and to 
inaugurate some action by which we can get to the people of the Empire State. [Re- 
newed cheers.] I ask if this is not enough to bring together representatives from four 
millions of people; if it is not time — nay, almost past the time — when six States have 
already dissolved their connection with the Union ; when there are six or eight more, 



34 

that by the deliberate action of their people, have called Conventions to consider the 
state of public affairs, and to decide whether they shall or not dissolve their connection 
with the government; is it not time that the State of New York should place herself in 
a corresponding position to her own people, to the other States and to the government of 
the United States? If separate State action is going on in fifteen of the States of this 
Union to dissolve their connection with the government, is it not time for the State of 
New York to hold a Convention of her people to see whether she can preserve this 
Union. To-day, in the midst of revolution, as actual, so far as the Federal Government 
is concerned, as if the events that have transpired were the issues of battle, Xew York 
stands inactive and voiceless, while an epoch involving her destiny is passing; and shall 
she bear no part in that great drama that will fill the largest chapter in the annals of our 
race except to wake unprepared, after the shifting scenes have passed, and be over- 
whelmed in the bloody and tragic issue that must involve us in common ruin. [Ap- 
plause.] 

If the State of New York will place herself in this position, and bring home the 
cniestion to her own people, she can speak with an authorithentic voice that will com- 
mand and receive the respect and attention of the other States. Union demonstrations, 
addresses and resolutions, full and running over with devotion and love to the Constitu- 
tion will avail nothing. But the sovereignty of New York, speaking through an 
authorised Convention of delegates elected by her people, will be heard and heeded ; 
and the dark and ominous shadow of disunion that now seems hastening to complete the 
full circle of the dial, if it cannot be altogether stayed, shall be turned back, until 
patriotism, wisdom and forbearance have done their office, and the people, by their own 
voice, decree that their Constitution and government shall be no more. [Cheers.] Let 
the Legislature be at once petitioned to authorise a Convention of delegates to be chosen 
by the people, to assemble at the earliest practicable moment, for the purpose of con- 
sidering the alarming condition of public affairs, and adopting such measures as may 
comport with her own interests, her duties and relations to the Federal Government and 
the other States of the Union. No other action is at all commensurate with the critical 
condition of the country 1 [Applause.] If our government must pass away, shall it not 
be by a process as formal, as deliberate and authoritative as that by which it came into 
existence? The Constitution was framed by deputies chosen by the legislative branches 
of the original States. After it was framed it was referred to Conventions of delegates, 
chosen directly by the people, for adoption. By adoption it became the Constitution of 
the United States; and in this aspect, from the beginning to the end, it bears the im- 
press of sovereignty. And now, in the day of its threatened overthrow, the feeblest 
construction of its rights and obligations recognises no way of dissolving the Federal 
tie but by the formal and deliberate action of the people in their sovereign capacity. 
[Cheers.] And yet we stand without action — without an utterance until now — while 
the government is, in reality, passing away, its unity destroyed and the central Federal 
authority shaken to its fall. And shall this go on, until the whole fabric tumbles into 
ruins about us — shall we lie down craven and submissive, and let this legislative heel 
press out our very life ? A nd when we attempt to rise and ask to be heard, shall we 1 >e 
throttled and thrust down to the ground, and told to lie there without speech or action — 
that the question of the Union of these States, and the continuance of this government, 
"has been settled f There is not to-day, under any form of government in the world, a 
king or despot that could so stand between his subjects and their meanest privilege, 
with his head on his shoulders; and shall we, free men, submit to such an usurpation? 
stand and see the best government ever devised by man dissolve, come to nought, be- 



35 

eaiise we cannot get at it to preserve it. This shall not be; we must and we will get to 
the people on this subect. [Applause.] For they are not only concerned in it to the 
end that the Union may, if possible, lie preserved; but failing in this, we are now 
pressed by the Republican party to the dread alternative of civil war. 

This issue cannot be trusted anywhere but with the people. They will determine that 
if the Union cannot be preserved, the hopes of humanity and civilization shall be kept 
alive, and that there shall be a peaceable separation of these States. And here we are met 
by an arch and subtle enemy, that seeks under the specious guise of "the enforcement 
of the laws." to involve the people in all the fearful and fatal consequences of an open 
and defiant attempt at coercion. 'Thus adopting indirectly what the}' would condemn 
and repudiate as a positive proposition. This cunning appeal of the Republicans is well 
calculated to arouse the passions of resolute men, proud of and devoted to their govern- 
ment, and precipitate them into a position, the consequences of which they would shrink 
from if directly presented. Now that the progress of events has brought us to the 
period when six States have gone out of the Union, and six or eight more 3 are deliberat- 
ing whether they will go out or not, I think we may dispense with words and phrases, 
no matter how potent in days past, and address ourselves to realities and facts that in- 
volve our national destiny. [Cheers.] You ask if I am "for the Union and the Consti- 
tution and the enforcement of the laws." I answer, as long as the people cherish a 
cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to the Union, I " would frown indignantly 
upon every attempt to enfeeble its sacred ties," but when the tie is broken, when frater- 
nal hands are unclasped — never, never, shall they be raised in hostility to each other. 
[Loud applause.] Tou ask if I am " for the Constitution." As long as that Constitution 
measures out to all equally the great purposes for which it was ordained and estab- 
lished — justice, domestic tranquility, the general welfare, the common defence, and the 
blessings of liberty, I will look up and recognize no other motto than that which so 
proudly streams from the beak of our star-surrounded^ eagle — Esto perpetua. [Ap- 
plause.] But when, one by one, those stars go out, and I see the waning light of a 
broken constellation, I will not attempt to force them back to their orbits, and in a vain 
effort to renew the primal glory of that once serene and radiant upper sky that canopied 
the whole land, wrap the heavens in a direful conflagration of fire and blood. [Pro- 
longed applause.] How far it is wise, in our situation, to be governed by the letter of 
the Constitution, and to stand on the received interpretation of its powers, is a question 
on which we may learn some lessons from the example of other governments and coun- 
tries. 

How do the crowned heads, the diplomatists and the ruling authorities of Europe 
deal with a similar condition of affairs ? Is is strictly according to the law of nations or 
treaty obligations, or do they override treaties and change the public law to suit existing 
facts and circumstances? What become of Grotius, Vattel and the most solemn treaties 
of kingdoms, when such a man as Louis Napoleon appears to dethrone legitimacy, or 
Garibaldi to restore liberty. [Applause.] There is in the sentiment I am about to ex- 
press, a safe rule of conduct for us to adopt. It was utterred as applicable to the con. 
dition of things in Europe, and the vain attempt to enforce the most solemn obligations 
of treaties and the established principles of public law in the changes of dynasties, or 
the uprising of the people to alter or overthrow the existing order of things. It is this, 
" Considerations ivhich cannot properly be admitted as principles, may well be received as 
justfications or accomplished facts.'" [Cheers.] We can have no better guide, no wiser 
rule of statesmanship than is here laid down. It comprehends the whole philosophy of 



our present politics, for it regards not abstractions but facts, not a condition of things 
that o"> ta tate of affairs that is. [Applause.] 

Now. gentlemen, • practical remedy, as to what shall be the scope of the 

mo\-( ■ - ' lonvention. I do not know what may be embodied in the reso- 

i it; .] i I i some resolution will be offered here which will reach the 

point of asking : to call an authorised Convention of the people of the 

State. 1 believe, if thai shall be granted, if we can have a Convention of delegates 
from every Assembly District of the State, while there are similar Conventions in the 
State ' olina, Kentucky, Tennessee. Missouri, Virginia and Maryland, we 

an of adjustment on this great question of difference between the 
th. [Applause.] And if we cannot, wc can at least, in an authorative 
v...-.- & I a practical manner arrive at the basis of a peaceable separation. [Renewed 
( t by discussion enlighten, settle and concentrate the public 

sentiment in the State of New York upon this question, and save it from that fearful 
current, that circuitously, but certainly, sweeps madly on through the narrow gorge of 
"the enforcement of the laws," to the shoreless ocean of civil war. [Cheers.] Against 
this, under all circumstances, in every place and form, we must now and at all tunes 
oppose a resolute and unfaltering resistance. The public mind will bear the avowal, and 
let us make it — that if a revolution of force is to begin, it shall be inaugurated at home. 
[Cheers.] And if the- incoming Administration shall attempt to carry out the line of 
policy that has been foreshadowed, we announce that when the hand of Black Republi- 
canism turns to blood red: and seeks from the fragment of the Constitution to construct 
a scaffolding for coercion, another name for execution — we will reverse the order of the 
French Revolution, and save the blood of the people by making those who would inau- 
gurate a reign of terror the first victims of a national guUotine. [Enthusiastic ap- 
plause.] In'the excitement of the hour we should not forget the past, and allow our- 
selves to be diverted from the true issue involved, which is the substantive and directing 
cause at the bottom of the secession movement. The mere election of Lincoln is not 
the cause. With your little finger, you can mark on the sea shore the point beyond 
which the coming tide will wash over you; the'mark is nothing, but you will take good 
care'to remove when the water reaches that point. Not only the Democratic party, but 
many wise and thoughtful men of all parties, have believed and predicted for ten years 
that whenever a purely sectional party based upon the sentiment of anti-slavery, culmi- 
nated in its designs and purposes, in the election of its Presidential candidate, this 
Union wotdd be dissolved. The Democratic and Union party at the North made the 
issue at the last election with the Republican party that in the event of their success, 
and the establishment of their policy, the Southern States not only would go out of the 
Union, but would have adequate cause for doing so. [Applause.] Who of us believed 
that with the government in the hands of a party whose avowed policy was no more 
slave States, no further extension of slavery, and asserting the power and duty of Con- 
gress to prohibit it in all the territories, that the Southern States would remain in the 
Union? It seems to me, thus encompassed and menaced, they could not, with safety to 
their largest interest, and any prudent consideration for their future condition and welfare 
continue in the Confederacy. What wotdd become, in twenty-five years, of 8,000,000 
of white people and 4.000.000 of slaves, with the natural increase, walled in by Con- 
gressional prohibition, beseiged and threatened by. a party holding the seats of Federal 
power and patronage, that, according to the doctrine of the President elect, must "ar- 
rest the further spread of slavery " and place Cue institution itself " where the public 
mind will re. ; satisfied in the belief that it, is in the course of ultimate extension." 



37 

This is the position I took, with 313,000 voters in the State of New York on the 6th 
of November last. I shall not recede from it. having admitted, that in a certain contin- 
gency, the slave States would have just and adequate causes for a separation! Now 
that the contingency has happened. I shall not withdraw that admission, because they 
have been unwise or unreasonable in the ''time, mode and measure of redress." [Ap- 
plause.] 

Aside from particular acts that do not admit of any justification, those who imagine 
that the Southern States, do not well know what they are about — forget that they have 
been for fifteen years looking at tins thing with all its importance to their largest in- 
terest, as well as to their safety, and mistake the deep and deliberate movement of a 
revolution for the mere accidents and incidents which always accompany it. [Ap- 
plause.] There are some Democrats and Union men who, when the fever for a light 
has subsided, will wake up and wonder that they mistook the madness of passion for 
the glow of patriotism. Again we should consider that whatever may be our construc- 
tion of the Constitution under which we live, as to any right under it, for one or more 
States to go out of the Union ; when six States, by the deliberate, formal, authoritative 
action of the people, dissolve their connection with the government, and nine others say 
that that dissolution shall be final if the seceding members so choose, announcing to 
the North, "No interference, we stand between you and them." Can you bring them 
back? No! Enforcement of the laws in six States is a war with fifteen. And after 
all, to speak plainly on this subject, and reveal the true secr-et of the utter repugnance 
6f the people to resort to an)' coercive measures, it is within their plain judgment and 
practical common sense that the xevy moment you go' outside the narrow circle of the 
written letter and provisions of the Constitution of the United States, you are con- 
fronted with the great world of facts, and find this is not a consolidated government ■ 
not a government of the whole people iu the sense and meaning now attached to it. 
[Applause.] 

There are five hundred delegates in this Convention, and I see gathered all around 
above and below, brave men and fair women, whose approving smile is our best inspira- 
tion — what person, what right of property, what domestic right or privilege, what 
franchise, what security to life or liberty is infringed by the rupture of the Federal rela- 
tion between these States? [Applause.] 

Mr. Webster is quoted as the highest authority on the Constitution. His interpreta- 
tion is the received and accepted one with us. In 1850, when I stood within a ^w feet 
of him and heard his great speech on the 1th of March, there escaped from one of those 
remarkable suggestive sentences of his, a thought that impressed me stronger than 
demonstration or argument. "No monarchial throne [said he, J presses those States 
together." [Applause.] I thought, then, I could see all over the laud, rising like 
mountain peaks, the tall points of State sovereignty, and that no executive power could 
ever crush them together, when conflicting and discordant interests and feelings strove 
to disunite them; and when he added "no iron chain of despotic power encircles them," 
I felt that if the Federal arm sought to embrace these States in a close relation that 
would destroy their liberty and their free existence, they would break it. like green 
withes, and rise independent and sovereign. [Loud applause.] 

But it is announced that the Republican Administration will enforce the laws againsl 
and in all the seceding States. A nice discrimination" must be exercised in the per- 
formance of this duty, not a hair's breath outside the mark. You remember the story 
of "William Tell who, when the condition was imposed upon him to shoot an apple from 
the head of his own child, after he had performed the task he let fall an arrow. "For 



38 

what is that?" said Geslcr. -'To kill thee, tyrant, had I plain my boy!'' [Cheers.] 
Let one arrow winged by the Federal bow strike the heart of an American citizen, and 
who can number the avenging darts that will cloud the heavens in the conflict that will 
ensue. [Prolonged applause.] What then is the duty of the State of New York? 
What shall we say to our people when we come to meet this state of facts? That the 
Union must be preserved. But if that cannot be, what then? Peaceable separation. 
[Applause.] Painful and humiliating as it is, let us temper it with all we can of love 
and kindness, so that we may yet be left in a comparatively prosperous condition, in 
friendly relations with another Confederacy. '[Cheers.] 

I am not prepared to yield, nor will I ever yield the point now pressed upon us, that 
a failure of our present form of Federal government, however disastrous to our pros- 
perity and growth at home and character abroad, involves a failure of the great princi- 
ples of self-government and republican institutions. They are older than the Constitu- 
tion and will live longer. [Applause. J What may we not become if each section is 
left to follow m peace its way? New York is an empire of herself. She will have ten 
millions of people in twenty-five years, within the life-time of many of those who now 
hear me. "Westward the star of empire takes her way." Already prosperous mil- 
lions follow her light — beyond the Mississippi — down the slope of the Rocky Moun- 
tains, and far away to the shores of the tranquil ocean. But we are asked what will 
the world say? I answer if under this government a peaceful separation of the Federal 
relations is brought about, when the necessity is imposed, each section adopting its 
peculiar forms of labor and domestic institutions, and pursuing its own course without 
collision, we will demonstrate to the world that this is the only form of a confederated 
government that ever existed and was disunited without violence and bloodshed. [Ap- 
plause.] I am not here to calculate the value of the Union, or to say which is going to 
lose the most in a separation of these States, for all must lose ; but to say, if the worst 
comes, "all is not lost." No man can approach this aspect of the question without 
feeling his heart stand still within him. But when the danger stares us in the face, we 
must look at it and prepare ourselves for it ; hope is better than despair in the extremity 
of danger. I do not mean by this remark that there can be no change or re-cast of the 
government that will satisfy all, or a settlement of this question by Congress or by the 
people. I am glad to say there are some men of the Republican party who comprehend 
the full measure of peril to the country, and have sunk the partisan in the patriot. All 
honor to Simon Cameron, the first Republican in the Senate of the United States who 
dared to declare for the Crittenden amendments. Let us hail and cherish all good omens 
with thankfulness and courage. The Republicans everywhere (but in the Capitol at 
Albany,) I believe, are beginning to comprehend in some degree the dangers to the 
country, and they may, if it is not too late, save the government. There is a move- 
ment above the vale where the "ignoble vapors" of party have blinded them ; many 
have already reached table lauds and are breathing a purer atmosphere. A few have 
scaled the Andes of the Republic, and to-day stand by the side of Crittenden, Douglas 
and Pugh, watching that star of compromise that still lingers above the horizon. I 
commend to our Republican friends at home the example of the great journalist, the 
head of the Republican party, the Warwick, who makes and unmakes Governors and 
Legislators, and while they are busying themselves with little card houses of to-day, 
and cry out no "surrender of principle — no compromise," he comprehends the peril of 
the hour, and looks far into the future, and would, if his counsels could be followed, 
save the Union by wise and timely measures of conciliation and peace. [Applause.] 



39 

New York and "Virginia, 1 if they would act together in the spirit of our fathers when 
they formed this government, could now save it — and shall they not? "Who will inter- 
pose? Will you Legislators in yonder capitol, .''clothed in a little brief authority," ye 
men of a hundred days, stand between us and a government that was made to last for- 
ever? No! no! a thousand times, No! Better that you had never been born, ffian 
that you should sever the common heritage of Saratoga and Yorktown! [Applause.] 
Again, I say, stand from between us and the people ; and I charge you, freemen of 
New York, "Awake, arise, or be forever fallen ?" [Renewed cheers.] 
At the close of Mr. Thayer's address, 

The President announced that he had received last evening a communication from the 
Tammany delegation, to which he had taken the liberty to reply, and with the consent 
of the Convention, the letters would now be read. Cries of "Read — read." 

The communication of the Tammany delegates and the reply of Judge Parker were 
then read, as follows : 

Delavan HousE,Jan. 31, 1861. 
To the Chairman of the State Convention: 

Dear Sir — It becomes our duty to notify you of the decision of the National Demo- 
cratic delegates accredited from Tammany Hall, in view of the action of the State Con- 
vention this day. 

As the Convention are doubtless aware, the delegates from the city of New York 
were instructed to uphold the regularity of the organization of Tammauy Hall, existing 
for forty years — indeed, since the foundation of the Democratic party. 

The Convention itself was called by the regular State Central Committee, and each 
delegate takes his seat in virtue of a right derived from the local Democratic organiza- 
tion of his county. We were instructed to respectfully ask from the Convention the 
same recognition which is awarded to the representatives of every other county of the 
State. 

This right has, in the judgment of our delegates, been denied to us. 
We have, therefore, but to submit for your consideration our resolutions of instruc- 
tions, and the resolutions of the delegates adopted since the adjournment of the Conven- 
tion. 

By order of the Convention. 

With respect, we have the honor to be, 

AUGUST BELMONT, Chairman. 

John McKean, ) Secrdar[es _ 
Thos. C. Fields, ) 

DEMOCRATIC COUNTY CONVENTION. 

Delegates from Tammany to the apx>roaching State Convention. 

The Democratic County Convention to select delegates to the State Convention, to 
assemble at Albany on the 31st inst., convened at Tammany Hall. There was a full 
attendance of delegates, from the several Assembly districts, and a numerous lobby. 
AYilson Small was elected Chairman, and E. C. McConnell and George Lynch, Secretaries. 
The following delegates were unanimously elected to represent the democracy of the 
city and county of New York, in the State Convention. 

First Assembly District — John Van Buren, John McKeon, William Miner, A. J 
McCarty. 

g CC ond — John Clancey, August Belmont, Morgan Jones, Geo. P. Bickford. 

Third — Hiram Walbridge, John Kelly, Audrew Clark, Samuel F. Berge. 



40 

fourth— Matthew T. Brehnan, Oswald Ottendorfer, ¥m, H. Hurlbut, John Harrison. 

Fifth— Joshua J. Henry, Sam'l J. Montgomery; "Wilson G. Hunt, Samuel B. Garvin. 

si-.n, Elijah F. Purdy, Col. Michael Corcoran, John J. Bradley, George Bebenham. 

Seventh— Philip W, Engs, Samuel J. Anderson, John Nash, Wm. D. Kennedy. 

gio-hth Nelson Taylor, "Wm. M. Tweed, Gustavus W. Smith, James J. Reilly. 

Ninth James T. Brady, James S. Thayer, George Law, Emanuel B. Hart. 

Tenth J. Winthrop Chanler, John Wheeler, Bernard Reilly, George Kuster. 

Eleventh— Samuel J. Tilden, Andrew Mount, John Hardy, Peter B. Sweeny. 

Twelfth William A. Kobbe, "Wesley Smith, Mansfield Lovell, Charles E. Lowe. 

Thirteenth— Claudius L. Monell, Michael Connolly, Peter Masterson, Thomas Jones, Jr. 

Furteenth— John T. Hoffmann, Isaac Bell, Jr., Edward Cooper, Wm. McMurray. 

Fifteenth — Richard B. Connolly, George W. McLean, S. L. M. Barlow, John Murphy. 

Sixteenth — Nathon F. Graves, Jeremiah Towle, Jos. B. Tully, John H. McOabe. 

Seventeenth— Charles O'Connor, Daniel E. Sickles, Bartlett Smith, Thomas C. Field. 

The following preamble and resolutions of instructions were thereupon unanimously 
adopted : 

Whereas, we learn that an attempt will be made by an irregular political association of 
this city, 'to take advantage of the approaching State Convention, to obtain some recogni- 
tion as" an organization in violation of the rights of Tammany Hall, as the regular repre- 
sentative body of the Democracy of the city and county of New York, existing for more 
than forty years; therefore 

Resolved, That while we most earnestly unite in the patriotic sentiments which origi- 
nated the movement for the approaching State Convention, and sincerely trust that its 
deliberations may be crowned with success, we cannot consent to sacrifice our rights as 
an organization, in whole or in part, and thereby allow precedent to be established, 
leading only to perpetual mischief and disturbance; therefore, this Convention, as in 
duty bound, to fully represent the views and opinions of its constituency, hereby in- 
structs its delegates, selected to represent the Democracy of the county of New York, 
at the Albany Convention, to respectfully but firmly resist any attempt to deprive them 
of their just rights and privileges as the representatives of the regular organization of 
the Democratic party of this county, and to submit to no surrender or compromise what- 
ever of this right ; and thai; if such representation be not awarded to them, that they 
withdraw entirely from said Convention, and take such action in regard to the questions 
before the country as they may deem expedient. 

Resolved, That the delegates elected by this Convention assemble at the Delavan House; 
Albany, at nine A. M., of the 31st of January inst. 

Resolution adopted by the New York Tammany nail Delegation, January 31, 18G1 

at the city of Albany. 

Resolved, That the relegation appointed by Tammany Hall withdraws from the Con- 
vention and will take such' further action in regard to the questions before the country 
as they may deem expedient. 

Albany, Jan. 31, 1861. 
August Belmont, Esq., Chairman, &c— Dear Sir— I have read with great regret 
your letter of this evening, apprizing me of the action taken by the Tammany delegation 
in withdrawing from the Convention. 

It seems to me very plain that your delegation entirely misapprehend the effect of the 
' resolution adopted by the Convention. So far from making any decision as to the regu- 
larity of any delegation from your city, it, expressly refuses to meddle at all with the 
question of {regularity, or to call in question, in any manner, the decisions of previous 
Conventions. 

I beg you will remind your delegation that this Convention is not called to consider 
questions of regularity. On the contrary, it has invited national men of different po- 
litical organizations to participate in its deliberations. It affirms, therefore, no right, 
and it is unwilling to express any opinion on any question affecting the organization of 



41 

•the Democratic party. It looks only to the great question now agitating the country, in 
-regard to which patriotism is not, I trust, to be confined to any one party. 

May I not ask your delegation to consider further the matter, before taking a step 
which cannot fail to inflict a wound upon the body we represent.. It will detract much 
from the moral effect of our deliberations if Tammany, revered for its antiquity and its 
patriotism, shall in a crisis like this refuse to go shoulder to shoulder with the other 
patriotic men of the State, upon a mere question of organization, which in another Con- 
vention might be properly urged. 

I cannot doubt but vou will consent to reconsider the subject again before taking final 

r * 

action, and am, 

Very truly, yours, &c. 

AMASA J. PAEKER, Chairman. 

Mr. Brower moved that the letters be published in the proceedings ofthe Convention, 
which was carried. 

Mr. Hem an J. Eedfield offered the following: 

Resolved, That this Convention approve of the letter of its President to the Tammany 
Delegation, and that by the resolution relating to the delegations from the city of New 
York, it was not intended to affect in any manner the rights of Tammany Hall as an 
organization, and that a committee of three be appointed to communicate with said dele- 
gation, and to request them to participate in the deliberations of this Convention. 

Mr. J. L. Smith, of Suffolk, moved to amend the resolution as follows : 

Resolved, That the letter of the President be adopted as the sense of this Convention 
and that the Tammany delegation be again requested to take seats in this Convention. 

Adopted by a large majority. 

The President appointed as such Committee Hon. Horatio Seymour, Heman J. 
Eedfield, and J. L. Smith. 

Mr. W. H. Ludlow, from the Committee on Resolutions, then took the floor. He 
said: 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention: In the deliberations upon 
the great questions which have come before us, in the exigencies of our public affairs, 
which now enlist the hearty and excited sympathies of every man, woman and child in 
our common country, your committee have endeavored to lift themselves high above all 
considerations of section and of party. [Cheers.] 

At a time like this, when ruin and destruction to our Union stare us in the face, when 
State after State is declaring her independence of the Federal Government, when the 
threatenings of civil war are borne to us on every breeze, when secession means revo- 
lution, and revolution inevitably involves fratricidal conflicts, your committee have con- 
centrated all their efforts upon the devising and the recommendation of such measures as 
are at this imminent crisis best calculated to restore inter State peace and quiet. [Ap- 
plause.] 

We have earnestly desired to grapple with the difficulties as they now exist, and in 
our report to reflect truly the sentiment and wishes of our constituents. "We have 
keenly felt that the patient was in the very throes of dissolution; we have desired to 
understand the disease, and to apply, if possible, a prompt and a practical remedy. 

1 take great pleasure in announcing to you that your committee have unanimously 
agreed upon the following report : 

RESOLUTIONS. 

1. Resolved, That the crisis into which the country has been thrown by the conflict of 
sectional passions, and which has already resulted in the declared secession of Six 
States, and the threatened co-operation of nearly all the other States of the South with 



42 

them, the seizure of govern' . leial defences — the confronting 
of the disaffected Stat it in the attitude and with the ar- 
mament of Civil War — is of ing all patriotic citizens above the 
considerations of party, should sacrifices by which alone these 
calamities may be av'erl rested. 

2. Resolved, That, in the opinion ol i. the worst and the most ineffective 
argument that can be ad I or i1 adhering members to the se- 
ceding States is civil war. i ore the Union, but will defeat, for 
ever, its reconstruction. 

3. Resolved, That we can Look for 1 ation of the Union, and the reinvigoratiou 
of the Constitution, only to rit of conciliation and cqneession 
in which they were founded; and in the nature of pending diffi- 
culties which does not rend : compromises such as, by the 
practice of our government, the settlement of disputed claims 
even with foreign nations. at, believing its title to the Terri- 
tories in the northeast tions oi the Union, which were given up 
to Great Britain, was el purpose of saving the people 
from the evils of war, sun d ; >n of our original territory, and also a part 
of the Louisiana purr!; ise, < Lomain which the South demands, 
in joint occupation — bavin a foreign nation in the interest 
of peace — it would be monstrous to n ttl'e claims between the people of our 
own land, and avert destruction from i ur common country, by a similar compromise. 

4. Resolved, That when issolution of this Union can only be 
prevented by the adoption of a ;>, actory to the Border States, 
it is our duty to support them in tl > adjust those controversies. And 
inasmuch as these questions grov [uisition of territories not provided for 
by the Constitution ; and in regard, to which the people of the South believe that they 
are entitled to a joint occupancy, in person i ty, under the Constitution and by 
the decision of the Courts, wnil< hand, the dominant party at the North, 
claim that they should be excludi iini ntly tit that we should listen to 
the appeals of loyal men in the border e of this question by one of those 
measures of compromise in the spirit of v. I institution was founded, and by 
which all territorial questions have, from time been settled. 

5. Resolved, That in 'as ivulsions which threaten the destruc- 
tion of the country, were □ ne of the last election, and their 
continuance will bemosl disastn ts of our citizens, involving the ruin of 
our 'commercial and laboring cla": carrying the desolation of civil war 
into the homes of our. citize • right to be heard in regard to the 
adjustment of these difficulties, (which in our opinion, can at present best be settled by the 
adoption of the Crittenden prop. her measure acceptable to the border 
States,) and that a pom 0] repare in behalf of this Conven- 
tion a suitable Memorial to the Lei them to submit the Crittenden Com- 
promise to a vote of i ! trli I practicable day. 

6. Resolved, That this Convention earnestly but respectfully urge upon- Congress 
immediate action, for the adoption oi and adequate measures of conciliation 
as are in its present power to i ! i is session amendments of the 
Constitution, for ratification by the Conventions of the several States; and that. in. 
the failure of Congress to act, the Legi State be requested to take the ini- 
tiatory steps, under the Constitution, for summonin ' reneral Convention for proposing 
amendments to that instrurn 

7. Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention, a compliance with the request of 
the Legislature of Vii o the several States be sent to 
"Washington, to confer upon ti in tne affairs of theNation is eminently 
proper and expedient : and we ti I iture of this State will immediately 
respond to such request by tl i. h Commissioners'. 

But further Eesoli '. I turi not appoint said Commissioners, in 

view of the importanci ol mention hereby appoint Millard Fillmore, 

Addison Gardner, Greene C. Bro Corning, Horatio Seymour, Washington 

Hunt, Amasa J. Parker. CI tnuel J. Tilden, as such Commissioners 

on the part of the friends of con oi Mew York. 

8. Resolved, Pending tl .implore the States in the attitude 
of secession, to stay the sword fion from Civil War, until the "sober 

second thought " of the p le of □ be rendered efficient, in perfecting 

the work of compromi a of Peace. To the Southern States which 

have not seceded we also ean a hands with us in staying .the progress 

of dissolution, and in preparing 1 f our countrymen to meet on some cppimon, 



43 

ground, -where they may preserve to themselves and their posterity that Constitution 
and Union which have been fraught with so much happiness to this people. 

The reading of the Resolutions was from time to time interrupted by enthusiastic ap- 
plause. 

Mr. Lawrence, of Queens, moved thai i utions be unanimously adopted, and 
that a Committee of five be appointed to lay them before the Congress of the United 
States. 

Mr. B rower suggested that as each member would be desirous to act for himself 
time should be given to read the resolutions ; and for that purpose he would move to lay 
the motion on the table. [Carried.] 

Hon. Samuel J. Tilden of New York was loudly called and came forward and 
addressed the Convention. 

[Mr. Tildex's speech not having been received from the Reporters when this page 
goes to press, the printer is obliged to throw it into the Appendix — which see.] 

At the conclusion of Mr. Tildex's speech the resolutions were again taken up. 

Mr. Lawrexce renewed his motion, that the Resolutions be unanimously adopted and 
signed by the officers of the Convention, and that a Committee of' five be appointed to 
lay them before the Congress of the United States. 

Mr. W. Elseffer, of Dutchess; moved to amend -the Sth resolution, by making it 
read as follows: 

Resolved, Pending these remedial measures, we implore the States in the attitude, of 
secession, and the general government, to stay the sword, and to abstain from the use of 
any force that under the specious and untenable p\ forcing the laivs is calcidated to 

plunge the Nation into civil war, until the " sober second thought " of the people, &c. 

Mr. James S. Thayer seconded the amendment and hoped it would prevail. 
« Judge Verplaxck called for a division of the question, so that the vote might be taken 
on each resolution, separately. 

The Resolutions were then read in their order. The first resolution was unanimously 
adopted. 

On the second resolution being read, Chancellor Walworth appeared on the platform, 
and his venerable looks claimed instant attention from the Convention, and he was re- 
ceived with an outburst of enthusiastic applause. He said: 

Gentlemen of the Coxvextiox : I am far advanced in years, and not in the habit of 
attending Conventions of this character, but I could not resist coming here to enter my 
protest against civil war. I have seen the horrors of such a conflict. In the war of 
1812, my house in Plattsburgh, was sacked by the British. A battle w r as fought op- 
posite my. very door, .and the bullets that were fired, fell like hailstones around my 
dwelling. 

In the casement of my door remains to this day embedded one of those bullets, a me- 
mento of the fight. In that struggle, I saw my fellow-citizens shot down by my side. 
I know, then, the horrors of a foreign way; and they are nothing as compared with 
the horrors of a civil war. A civil war is a war among brethren. [Applause.] We are 
all brethren in this Confederacy of States — the people of the South are our brethren — 
not only nominally, but actually our brethren. [Cheers.] In Georgia alone, I have the 
names of one thousand citizens whose ancestors were near relatives of nry own. In the 
same State alone, are over one hundred relatives of the family of Hillhouse, whoso 
name is known as that of one of the patriol of the Revolution, and whose descendant 
now occupies a seat in our State Senate. And so, scattered all over the Southern States 
are the near relatives of the men of the North, and perhaps there is scarcely a member 



44 

of this Convention who has not some blood relatives in the Seceding States. [Applause.] 
It would be as brutal, in my opinion, to send men to butcher our own brothers of the 
Southern States, as it would be to massacre them in the Northern States. We are told, 
however, that it is our duty to, and we must, enforce the laws. But why — and what 
laws are to be enforced? There were laws that were to be enforced in the time of the 
American Revolution, and the British Parliament and Lord North sent armies here to 
enforce them. 

But what did "Washington say in regard to the enforcement of those laws ? That 

man honored at home and abroadmore than any other man on earth ever was honored 

did he go for enforcing the laws? No, he went to resist laws that were oppressive 

. against a free people, and against the injustice of which they rebelled. [Loud cheers.] 
Did Lord Chatham go for enforcing the laws. No, he gloried in defence of the liber- 
ties of America. He made that memorable declaration in the British' Parliament, "If I 
was an American citizen instead of being as I am, an Englishman, I never would submit 
to such laws — never, never, never!" [Prolonged applause.] 

Such is the spirit that animates our Southern brethren, and shall we war upon them 
for it ? No ! "We must avert civil war if possible, and I close by exhorting my brethren 
to do all their power to avert civil war. Concessit in, a inclination — anything but that — 
and no man amongst us, in his dying hour, will regret that his conscience is clear, and 
that he can lay his hand upon Ms heart and say, "I did all in my power to turn from 
the bosom of my country the horrible blow of a civil war." 

Immense sensation followed the remarks of the venerable Chancellor, and the deep 
silence that had attended his remarks was followed by an enthusiastic outburst of ap- 
plause. 

Mr. George, of Orange, said that the words they had just heard had gone to hi^ 
heart more than anything that had been said in the Convention. He had the fortune 
to have been born in a Southern State — in the State of good old Virginia. [Applause.] 
His father still resided there, and it was only the other day that he had received a letter 
from his father — who was older in years than the gentleman who had just spoken to 
them in words so affecting — in which he had said, "My son, why cannot the great and 
good men of the State of New York, such men as Chancellor Walworth, for instance, 
make their voices heard at this time for our beloved country." [Much sensation and 
deep feeling was here manifested by the Convention and the audience.] He had not 
risen to make a speech, but only, impelled by the remarks to which he had listened, to 
bear testimony to the opinion entertained by our Southern brethren of the venerable gen- 
tleman whose words had touched every heart in that assemblage. 

Mr.' Q-. T. Souter, of Queens, said that after the words that Had been spoken by the 
venerable gentleman from Saratoga, and the response^ that had been made, he could not 
refrain from raising his voice, as a son of Virginia, to pay tribute to the noble senti- 
ments that had been uttered. He would to God that he could only give utterance to the 
feelings which stirred within his heart at this moment — that he could exhort them, with 
a tongue of eloquence to listen to the words of warning spoken by one whose character 
we must all revere, but he could not ; he was unequal to the effort. 

Virginia wotdd stand by the Constitution, if rightly interpreted. There had been the 
difficulty. Virginia was always ready to stand by the Constitution, and was now satistied 
with it, if only interpreted as this Convention interpreted it. [Cheers.] He would not 
arrest its proceedings by any remarks of his own, but would appeal to them, as a Son 
of Virginia, to adopt the Resolution just read, with such an unanimity and unction as 



45 

■would bring joy to the hearts of all men who desired to preserve and perpetuate the 
Union. [Great enthusiasm.] 

A Member: Let us indicate our love for Old Virginia by three hearty cheers. 

This was responded to with a will. 

When the excitement had somewhat subsided, 

Mr. Charles H. Carroll appeared on the stand, and the enthusiasm of the Conven- 
tion burst forth anew. 

Mr. Carroll said: I did not, gentleman, intend to intrude upon this Convention; but 
after the remarks made to you by our brothers from Virginia and by the venerable 
gentleman from Saratoga, can I stand back, — bearing as I do the name of one of tho 
signers of the Declaration of Independence ? [Applause.] Can I refrain from raising 
rhy voice in response to the sentiments to which we have listened, and to exhort you to 
give heed to them, and save the country so dear to us all from the horrors of civil war, 
when all the ties of ancestry bind me to the Union, — when the Capitol of the Nation 
stands upon the farm owned by my grand sires ? Can I stand back, when that Capitol 
was built upon the manor owned by Daniel Carroll, of Duddington, my own uncle ? I 
cannot. [Applause.] My heart, however, is almost too full to give utterance to my 
sentiments. But, brethren of this Convention, above all things, let us avoid, as my. 
venerable friend has said, the horrors of civil war. [Cheers.] Let us treat the eitizens 
of South Carolina,' and every Southern State, as brethren, — and rely upon it, my friends, 
that with the expressions that are being made in these resolutions, we will, each one of 
us, retire from this Convention with the confidence of having done something that will 
restore peace and harmony to this Union, that will serve to revive feelings of fraternal 
regard between the different sections of the country, and bring us back to the days when 
we could fight for the old stars and stripes in the South as' well as in the North. [Loud 
applause. 

As Mr. Carroll concluded his remarks, the excitement of the Convention was un- 
bounded, and several voices called for the question on the resolution. As the affirmative 
was put, the Convention rose to a man and answered " Aye." Vv hen the negative was 
put, a voice from the lower end of the hall responded " No." 

Much excitement followed, and some cries of "put him out — he's not a delegate !" 
were heard. 

The President desired to know if the gentleman who had responded negatively was a 
delegate ? 

Mr. Thos. G. Alvord, of Onondaga, believed not — the person who had responded 
sat close by him and he did not know him as a delegate. 

Renewed cries of "turn him out!" were heard, but 

Mr. Driggs recpiested the Convention to leave the man alone — he was a lunatic. 

Mr. Alvord had ascertained that the person was not a member of the Convention, 
but was an abolitionist who had obtained entrance to the Convention by courtesy. He 
hoped he would be left to his own self-condemnation. 

The President : Then I declare the resolution to have been unanimously adopted. 

Loud applause followed, the Convention rising and cheering. 

The second, third and fourth resolutions were unanimously passed without amend- 
ment. 

To the fifth resolution, a delegate offered an amendment, requesting the legislature to 
call a State Convention. He did not think it wise, at this time, to submit to the people 
a specific measure, which they would have to accept, or nothing. The people should 



4G 

have time for reflection, to come together and compare views, to propose measures on 
3ide and co carefully and deliberately. Then something might be 

obtained which ry would, in the end, be satisfied with. The measures now 

proposed to be - satisfactory to the country, and in the end 

mighl aol ' ition. Wha1 they wanted was a permanent adjustment, that 

would quiet it forever — something thai would command a large majority 01 the people, 
lie would wish to see a Convention called to propose measures for the consideration of 
the other States ; but even this would hardly be effectual. He saw no way to secure a 
permanent adjustment bul byaNational Convention for all the States, where delegates 
gether and deliberate. To his mind, the Union was dissolved, and the 
question before them to-day was ;i question of reconstruction at the proper time and in a 
deliberate manner; and he thought they would act most wisely- by going for a Rational 
Convention, which should settle all these difficulties in a manner to gain the support of 
the whole Union. [The name of the speaker'was not ascertained by the reporter.] 

Mr. TlLDEN: The object of the Committee in proposing this resolution was, that a 
definite proposition might be submitted, without any considerable delay, to the vote of 
the electors of this State. [Applause.] "We have every reason to believe that this pro- 
tion would hold firmly Virginia and our brethern of the middle States, and would 
briny back the most conservative States of the extreme South. [Applause.] ¥e think 
so. We have a right to think so. We desire to act promptly and in such a manner 
that the question of re-construction shall never arise. To save, rather than to be driven 
to the attempt to build anew. Of course any vote which may be given on this proposi- 
tion by the electors of this State would have no legal force. It would be a mere expres- 
sion of the public opinion of the greatest State of the Union, having vastly more interest 
in its preservation than any other. It would be a vote upon this proposition that in 
moral force might hold this Union together and save forever any necessity of a recon- 
struction. 

Mr. BlJOWER hoped the gentleman who offered the amendment would withdraw it, 
for he thought all he required was embraced in the one which followed. 

The delegate declined to withdraw his amendment, and being put to the vote, it was 
lost. The fifth resolution was then adopted unanimously; as was also the sixth and 
seventh. 

When the eighth resolution was read. Mr. Elseffer renewed his motion to amend in 
the manner already stated, so as to beg the general government to refrain from using 
force under pretence of enforcing the laws. 

Mr. Thayer seconded the amendment. 

Mr. Lriu.ow said: This subject was one most carefully considered by your Committee, 

more so, indeed, I may say, than all the other points by them submitted. There is no 

qci i icfore the country that the General Government has drawn the sword. There 

is evide ■ before the country that so'me States have ; and it was with that view that 

the committee desire to free the General Government from this imputation, and, taking 
the facts and circumstances as they stand, implore those who have drawn the sword to 
stay it. Again, supposing this Convention, representing the conservative element of the 
State, make this appeal to the General Government to stay the sword, you immediately, 
if you expect the General Government to respond to that appeal, deprive that govern- 
ment of the power of protecting the capital. We desire simply, sir, in our discussions 
to grapple with the difficulties that now exist, without anticipating any; and a propo- 
sition to insert the General Government seemed to anticipate that the General Govern- 



47 

dent would draw the sword ; while we prefer to assume they will not. [Cheers.] This 
Committee, Mr. President, I know reflects the sentiments of this Convention in intro- 
ducing the Resolutions they have clone. There were various shades of sentiment upon 
it, but I assure you, they were unanimously against what is considered coercion, [ap- 
plause,] and it is only a matter of construction, — only a matter as to how language shall 
be put in writing-. There is no radical difference of sentiment or opinion as to the merits 
of the question; audi trust, inasmuch as the Committee, representing the clear, un- 
mistakable anti-coercion sentiment of this Convention, have presented you these reso- 
lutions, I hope the gentleman will withdraw his amendment, and not permit motions to 
be made and questions to be discussed which may put this Convention, or the individual 
members of it in a wrong position before the people of the State and Country. 

Mr. AValworth thought the substance of the amendment was already embraced in 
the preceding resolution. . 

Mr. Thayer : If the substance of the amendment is embodied in the seventh resolution 
there can be no objection in tins Convention to a clear and undoubted expression on the 
subject. I believe the great point, above all others that we are to reach here, the 
expression of public opinion to which we are to give utterance, is, that by no subterfuge, 
by no pretence, under no guise, are we to be led to indirectly do that which we will not 
do directly— countenance coercion. [Cheers.] I do not care, sir, when you propose 
sending me over Niagara Falls, whether you take me to the brink and drop me into the 
abyss, or walk me one hundred yards above and tell me you will row me across to the 
opposite shore. I have seen the swift current, hurrying to unfatliomed depths, and it is 
against that I resist. [Applause.] Now, if you take the very words of that amendment, 
what does it say ? It proposes that the general government, (not assuming that it has,) 
if it should be compelled to assume towards the seceding States the attitude even of 
defence, its hand should be stayed. [Cries of " no ! no !"] I do not say the hand should 
fall paralyzed ; I said that the hand should he stayed. [Cries of "yes! yes!'' "no!'' 
and applause.] In going to the Southern States or the cotton States with the olive 
branch, will you carry the sword by your side ? The very fact that you have got the 
sword will make them reject the olive branch. [Applause.] Our strength in offering 
compromise and concession is, that we do not, under any circumstances, meditate, under 
the untenable and specious pretence of enforcing the laws, coercion. [Cheers.] I hope 
we shall not involve ourselves in the contradiction that the Legislature of New York has 
sending what they thought was simply an assertion of defence and enforcement of the 
laws to the Legislatures of the Southern States, and at the same time congratulating the 
Border States upon the attitude they had assumed upon this matter? Again, I say, if 
the substance of that sentiment is there, do not let us avoid it ; let us not seek to shun 
all the responsibility that belongs to the sentiment, Observe that it is coupled with the 
declaration ''pending these remedial measures." I am sure this will be satisfactory even 
to those who, under some circumstances would, hi the end, resort to coercion. The reso- 
lution says that " pending these remedial measures, we implore the States in the attitude 
of secession," &c. Now, we propose to say to the Federal Government — not that the 
hand should drop powerless by the side of Federal authority, but let that hand be stayed . 
until wisdom and forbearance have done their office. Then, if it is -to be unsheathed in 
the blood-red work, let it be with the consent and understanding of the people. [Loud 
applause.] 

Judge Skixneb, of Wyoming, urged the adoption of the resolutions as reported, on 
the ground that they had been drawn after mature and serious reflection, and had better 



48 

be relied on than resolutions adopted hurriedly by a Convention which could not weigh 
them and deliberate upon them with proper care. 

There was danger in such a case of the whole course and action of the Convention 
being misrepresented and perverted. He believed that the prudence of the general 
government would teach it to stay its hand. Among its members is a citizen of this 
Sta'te, who has long been respected and beloved by his fellow men. Let us trust to the 
wisdom and patriotism of that Government to point out to them the course they should 
pursue. 

Mr. Driggs favored the amendment. He was not willing to draw the sword on our 
Southern brethren, neither was he willing to consent that the general government should 
do so. He was in favor of saying to the government that we desire them to stay their 
hands and not strike a blow under any circumstances. He would himself be in favor of 
withdrawing the guns from the forts of the seceding States. If he was going for peace 
he would not go with a sword in his hand, or his guns loaded. 

Mr R. TerKAN, of Kings, hoped that this question would be voted on without any 
supposition that if the amendment should be adopted, it would be a reflection on the 
wisdom of the committee. 

Judge Clinton, of Buffalo, took the stand, and was welcomed with much enthusiasm. 
He said : 

Mr. President : I came here not intending to make a single remark to this great As- 
sembly, which I am so happy to meet. My day for politics is gone by, and I thank 
God for it : but my day for love of and service to our great and glorious country is un- 
extinguished, and can be extinguished only with my life. [Loud applause.] What' 
means tins amendment? It is either a mere verbal, unimportant amendment, or it is a 
matter of substance. Your Committee has taken the utmost care, in the whole tenor 
of the Resolutions, to show they are opposed to war, to any attempt to coerce the se- 
ceding States, or to enforce a Constitution whose very basis is love. It shows itself in 
almost every line of the Resolutions. Ve all agree in detesting the very thought of war. 
[Applause.] But is our country gone! Is the L T nion dissolved? Is there no govern- 
ment binding these States in peace and harmony! Why the proposition was before you, 
ten minutes ago, that this Union was dissolved, and you voted it down. God grant it 
may for ever continue. [Applause.] Oh! let us conciliate our erring brethren win >. 
under a strange delusion, have, as they say, seceded from us; but, for God*s sake, do 
not let us humble the glorious government under which we have been sodiappy ! — which 
has done, and if we will by judicious means sustain it, will yet do so much for the hap- 
piness of mankind. [Applause.] 

Gentlemen: I hate to use a word that would offend my Southern brother, erring as 
he does; but we have reached a time when as a man — if you please, as a Democrat. I 
must use plain terms. There is no such thing as legal secession. There is no such 
thing, I say, unless it is a secession which is authorized by the original compact. — and 
the Constitution of these United- States was intended to frame a firm and perpetual 
Union. [Cheers.] There is no warrant for it in the Constitution. Where, then, do 
you find the warrant for it. It is in the unhappy delusion of our Southern brethren, 
who doubt our love for them and our attachment to the Constitution. Let^tis remove 
that illusion. We well try to do it. But if secession be not lawful, oh! what is it! I 
use the term reluctantly but truly — it is rebellion! [Cries of "No! No! revolution."] 
It is rebellion ! rebellion against the noblest government that man ever framed for his 
own benefit and for the benefit of the world. 



49 

[A Voice : We are all rebels, then.] 

Judge Clinton : May be, so, sir. Gentlemen, this secession doctrine is not a new 
thing. The people have passed upon it. They passed upon it in the last war. You 
may do what you please, my friend, but I never, never can be prevailed upon to see, by 
any process of reasoning, by any impulse of feeling, that the Hartford Convention was 
not what the people of the Union pronounced it — a damnable treason. [Applause.] 
What is it — this secession ? I am not speaking of the men. I love the men, but I hate 
treason. What is it, but the nullification of all the rights of the United States, and the 
execution of the laws 1 A threat to reject them, in arms ! It is nullification by the 
wholesale. I, for one, have venerated Andrew Jackson, and my blood boiled, in old 
time, when that brave patriot and soldier of Democracy said — " The Union — it must 
and shall be preserved!" [Loud applause.] Preserve it! Preserve it 1 Why should 
we preserve it, if it would be the thing that these gentlemen would make it — that this 
amendment would make it ! Why should we love a government that has no dignity and 
no power ? [Applause.] Admit the doctrine, and what have you ? A government that 
no man who is a freeman ought to be content for one day to live under. Admit it, and 
any State, of its own sovereign will, may retire from the Union ! Look at it for a mo- 
ment. Congress, for just cause, — for free trade or sailors' rights, declares war. Oh I 
where is your government ! Why should it ! What right has it to declare war 1 The 
Constitution invested that power in it, but one State says, "War is not for me — I se- 
cede." And so another and another, and the government is rendered powerless. 

Mr. Brower : I rise to a question of order. The gentleman is not speaking to the 
resolution. 

Judge Clinton, ^landly.) Perhaps not. I am naturally somewhat impulsive and 
excitable, and have not that command of myself that others possess. [Cries of " go 
on!" and applause.] But I understand this amendment to have this point and no 
other. It is perfectly nugatory and useless, unless it has this point, because all 
the other points for which it can provide are already provided for in the resolution. 
It is this : You shall use no force to protect the property of the United States, 
to retain it in your possession, or to collect your revenue for the common benefit, and 
the payment of the common debt. Now, I am willing to say, that the government is 
false to itself, false to us, and false to aU if it should use more than necessary force for 
these purposes ; but I am not prepared to humble the general government at the feet of 
the seceding States. [Applause,] I am unwilling to say to the government, "You 
must abandon your property — you must abandon our property, — you must cease to collect 
the revenues, because you are threatened I" 

In other words, gentlemen, it seems to me, and I know I speak the wishes of my 
constituents, — that while I abhor coercion, in one sense, as war, I wish to preserve the 
dignity of the government of these United States as well. [Applause.] 

Gov. Seymour -rose to speak, at the conclusion of Judge Clinton's remarks, but 

Mr. Elseffer stated that, at the request of the venerable delegate from Saratoga, be 
begged to withdraw the amendment. 

Mr Jas. A. Thayer said that, having seconded the amendment, under the explana- 
tions that had been made, he cheerfully consented to its withdrawal. 

The resolution was then unanimously adopted and the Convention took a recess till 
half past three o'clock. 



50 



Afternoon Session. 

The Convention was called to order at half-past three. 

The resolution subjoined was, on motion of Mr. Lawrence, of Queens County, taken 
up for ultimate disposal. 

Resolved, The report of the Committee on Resolutions having been unanimously 
adopted — that the same be signed by the officers and delegates of this Convention; and 
that a committee of five be appointed to lay these resolutions before the Congress of the 
United .States. 

Mr. IIalsey R. Wing moved to amend by adding "and before the Legislature of this 
State." 

The amendment was agreed to, and the resolution as amended was adopted. 

On motion of Ex-Chancellor Walworth, the Secretary of the Convention was au- 
thorized to sign the names of all the delegates to the proceedings. 

Mr. Yoorhees, of New York, moved that resolutions of the Convention, signed by 
its officers, be forwarded to the President of the United States, and the Governors of 
States, with a respectful request that they be presented to their respective Legislatures. 
[Adopted.] 

The President announced that he had received a communication from the delegations 
representing Tammany Hall, and that he understood by that they had returned to the 
Convention. [Loud applause.] 

Mr. Howards, of Suffolk, offered a resolution that 50,000 copies of the proceedings 
of the Convention be published and distributed among the delegates. [Adopted.] 

Judge Dean, of New York : I feel, sir, that this has not been an ordinary Convention. 
You will concur with me m the opinion that we have been engaged in a work that will 
hve after us. While we have all listened 'with admiration to the patriotic voices that 
have been raised here, and the patriotic sentiments that have so eloquently been uttered 
in your presence by the gentlemen who have addressed this Convention, yet we are to 
remember that their echo has died away in this room, and that their words have perished 
with the voice that gave them birth. But, sir, there is an institution which perpetuates 
both our expressions and our thoughts. The Press, with its million voices, can send 
our proceedings not only over all the broad expanse of this Confederacy, but can hand 
them down for the instruction of those who are to succeed us in the times to come. You 
have already provided for the publication of your resolutions and for the presentation of 
them to the different States of the Union. I propose that we shall go farther. Those 
resolutions were not only the reflex of the opinions of this Convention, but represented 
the popular feeling of the State of New York, as it has been declared here to-day. I, 
for one, am unwilling that what has been said here, yesterday and to-day, shall be lost. 
It has been said that there are no Sabbaths in revolutionary times. I had almost for- 
gotten that we were here two days for the purposes of adopting measures by which revo- 
lution might be deterred. In consideration of these facts I shall beg leave to offer a 
resolution in order that, under the direction of the State Central Committee, nqt only the 
resolutions you have adopted but the speeches you have heard, from the gentleman who 
formerly occupied the Chair, the gentleman who has since, with so much dignity, filled 
it, the venerable Chancellor Walworth, aad every one of the Convention from the 
oldest to the youngest all who, in this contest, have declared their readiness to unite in the 
efforts to preserve this Union. [Cheers.] Sir, we have had stenographers here to take, 



51 

word for word, all that has been said, and to note with the utmost accuracy our entire 
proceedings. I therefore offer, for your adoption, the following resolution : 

Resolved, That in view of the great importance of the proceedings of the Democratic 
Convent ion of the State of New York, here assembled, the proceedings be published 
under the direction of the State Central Committee. 

The resolution was adopted unanimously. 

The President : Gentlemen, I have been called upon for the reading of the commu- 
nication addressed to this Convention by the Tammany Hall delegation. [Cries of 
"read, read."] 

The letter was read and was received by cries of " Three cheers for Tammany," which 
were given with much apparent good will. 

It was as foUows : 

Delavan House, Albany, February 1, 1861. 
To Am asa J. Parker, Chairman of the State Convention. 

Dear Sir: Prior to the passage of the resolution adopted this day by the State Con- 
vention appointing Hon. Horatio Seymour, Heman J. Redfield and Judge Gray, to wait 
upon our delegation, a communication herewith transmitted, had been prepared, ex- 
pressing our views in the course we have been constrained to adopt. The committee, of 
which Governor Seymour is chairman, having had an interview with our delegation, 
have stated that the action taken yesterday was not intended to impair the rights of 
Tammany Hall, but that the Convention was intended to embrace the Conservative 
Union men of all past political divisions without reference to questions of party or- 
ganization. 

This being the sense of the Convention over which you preside, I have the gratification 
of saying that this delegation have determined that they can consistently, with their 
sense of duty, take seats in the Convention and participate in its deliberations. 

It is the wish of our delegation that this communication and that first referred to, 
shall be read to the Convention in justification of our action. By order of the dele- 
gation. 

Tery respectfully, 

AUGUST BELMONT, Chairman. 

The President: What is the further business of the Convention? 

. Mr. Cooke, of New York : I have, sir, a resolution to offer : 

Resolved, That this Convention tender to Simeon Cameron, United States Senator from 
Pennsylvania, their thanks for his patriotic efforts in raising above party obligation and 
offering to vote for the Crittenden amendments, and call upon our ownSenators to follow 
his noble and patriotic example. [Adopted.] 

Mr. Thomas Field, of New York : I am instructed, Mr. President, by the delegation 
representing Tammany Hall, to present for the consideration of this Convention an ad- 
ditional address and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted by that delegation. I 
ask the permission of the Convention to read them. [Cries of "come on the platform."] 

Mr. Field declined, but while standing in the north-western aisle, the following letter 
was read: 

Delavan House, Albany, February 1, 1SG1. 
Hon. Amasa J. Parker, President Democratic State Convention : 

Dear Sir : Your letter in reply to my communication announcing the decision of the 
National Democratic delegates from Tammany Hall from the city of New York, has 
been received andlaid before the delegation over which I preside. I am instructed to say 
in reply, that the position of the delegates from the city of New York, has been taken 
from no factious or disorganising spirit, and under a deep sense of responsibility and 
duty. 

The Convention which elected the delegation of which I am Chairman, in the strongest 
terms expressed their earnest sympathy in the patriotic sentiments which originated the 
call for the State Convention, and their sincere hope that its deliberations would be 



. 52 

crowned with success; and hut for the factious course of an irregular association of men 
who have been engaged for years in the city of New York in producing divisions and 
distractions in the Democratic party, no question of organization would have been pre- 
sented to disturb the harmony of your proceedings. 

But for this distracting element, Tammany Hall would have exercised the right which 
she has enjoyed in every Democratic Convention assembled in this State since its foun- 
dation, of representing the Democracy of the county of New York. This question being 
presented, we have considered ourselves as having no alternative but a firm adherence 
to our rights as declared by the explicit instructions of the Convention appointing us. 
We think you are in error in your view of the character of the State Convention, in 
stating in substance that it is not a Regular Democratic body. 

By a reference to the call issued by the Democratic Republican State Central Com- 
mittee, you will observe that after stating in the first clause that "the alarming condition 
of our country demands an effort by the Democratic party to avert," .v<\. it proceeds 
finally to say that "to consider the exigencies of public affairs, the Democracy of the 
State of New York, embracing, we trust, now all conservative citizens, are requested 
to send four delegates from each Assembly District, to a Convention," ic. 

This call in our judgment, evidently contemplates that the Convention is to be a regu- 
larly organised Democratic body, composed of representatives chosen by Democratic 
constituencies, and in no manner authorises the conclusion that it was to be a general 
assemblage of " National men of different political organizations." 

Obedience to organization, constituted authority and regular usage are vital to the 
power, efficiency and permanency of our party. We who have labored to uphold the 
time-honored organization of Tammany Hall, which has never faltered in maintaining 
Democratic principles and Democratic honor, have been taught the necessity of con- 
senting to no surrender of party discipline or party obligation. We have vindicated and 
maintained these principles through many trials and sacrifices, not the least of which 
has been the course of action which on this occasion strict duty and fidelity to our or- 
ganisation have demanded. By order of the delegation. 

Yours, with great respect, 

AUGUST BELMONT, Chairman. 
John McKeox, ) Secreiarks 
Thos. C. Fields, f * ea etanes - 

Mr. Field then presented the address which had been prepared, as indicating the 
views of Tammany Hall. It ran thus : — 

To the Democratic Electors of the, State of New York : 

The people of six States of the Union, in Convention assembled, have solemnly 
repealed the acts of ratification by which their adhesion to the Organic act of Union had 
been given; and have declared their intention of resuming all powers delegated by them 
to the Federal Government. The people of the whole country are agitated by the most 
legitimate fears for the permanence of those great conditions of peace and power under 
which we have advanced to so marvellous a state of domestic prosperity, and to so 
enviable an influence for good among the nations of the earth. The commerce of the 
country is suffering under a paralysis of which no man can foretell the duration, or 
measure the disastrous effects. The fraternal bonds of good feeling which eighty years 
of happiness and honor had created, are plainly wearing away under the fatal pressure 
of sectional strife ; and no intelligent patriot can permit himself to contemplate the angry 
present, or to anticipate the menacing future, without feeling that not one moment is to 
be lost, in meeting the new and unexampled issue of national life or national death now 
actually upon us." 

Therefore, we the delegates of the regular National Democracy of the city of New 
Y'ork, elected under the direction of Tammany Hall, acting under the deepest sense of 
the responsibility which rests upon every citizen of our common country, and in a more 
particular manner upon the citizens of that great Emporium and Metropolis, which has 
never failed in her loyalty to the principles of-our government, or in her fidelity to the 
interests of all sections of the Union, after conference and deliberation set forth this 
preamble with resolutions, embodying our judgment upon the gravity of the impending 
crisis, upon the causes which have produced it, and upon the remedies which still remain 
to us in this season of our National trial and disaster. Whether the right of any State 
to secede from the National Union, be or be not reserved under the organic act of the 
Constitution, it is a plain and palpable fact, that the people of certain of the States have 
assumed the existence of that right, and have acted upon it in the most formal and posi 7 



53 

tive manner. The question of secession, therefore, is to be dealt with, not as a matter 
of theory but as a matter of fact, involving the very existence of the American nation- 
ality. This state of things has been brought about by the people of the several seceding 
States, under the conviction that their political rights and social peace are seriously 
endangered by the advent to Federal Power of the Republican Party, a party organized 
in the non-slaveholding States alone, represented by a President 'and Vice President 
elected from non-slaveholding States, and professing- a political creed which in the 
opinion of the people of the said seceding States, annuls the Constitutional guarantees of 
property in Slaves and violates the spirit of the original compact of Union. We believe 
this opinion to be founded on reasonable grounds, and the alarms which it inspires to be 
wan-anted by the past history and the present attitude of the Republican party. 

This party, by a popular majority in every Northern State except one, has endorsed 
an interpretation of the Constitution which 'denies equal rights to the people of all the 
States in the common Territories, and which is directly inconsistent with the construc- 
tion placed upon the Constitution by the Supreme Court of the United States. 

Republican Legislatures in a majority of the Northern States have passed enactments 
intended to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law-, enactments declared 
by the Democratic party to be "hostile in character and revolutionary in effect;" and the 
Republican party has been carried into federal power by a successful agitation through- 
out the Northern States of abstract issues on the question of slavery, conducted in a 
temper of irritating antagonism to the slaveholding populations. 

This being the actual state of things in this country, we adopt the following resolu- 
tions in reference thereto: 

Resolved, That, in our opinion, the opponents of the Republican party being in no 
manner responsible for the present disastrous condition of national affairs, and having no 
power to bring it to a peaceable and satisfactory conclusion, such power remains entirely 
with that party, representing the effective majorities in the Northern States, which has 
by its revolutionary creed, its unconstitutional enactments and its aggressive agitation 
of the question of slavery forced the country to the verge of civil war; and it is the duty 
of that party, as alone competent to act in the premises, to restore the peace, harmony 
and prosperity which the whole country imperatively demands. 

Resolved, That if the Republican party shall decide not to take such action as can 
alone induce a peaceful settlement of the present difficulties, we demand and insist that 
the nation shah not be plunged into the horrors of civil war, but that measures shall be 
taken to bring about an amicable separation of the two sections, trusting to the future to 
reconcile feelings not embittered by. bloodshed, and to remove obstacles to reunion not 
rendered insurmountable by fratricidal war. 

Resolved, That we will, by all proper and legitimate means, oppose, discountenance' 
and prevent any attempt on the part of the Republicans in power to make any armed 
aggression under the plea of "enforcing the laws " or "preserving the union " upon the 
Southern States, more especially so long as laws contravening their rights shall remain 
unrepealed upon the statute books of Northern States, and so long as the just demands 
of the South shall continue to be unrecognized by the Republican majorities in those 
States, and unsecured by proper amendatory explanations of the Constitution. 

Resolved, That the Constitution clothes our government with no power to coerce Sove- 
reign States in their political capacity. The coercive power of this government is a coer- 
cion of laws, not of arms, and can only be made effectual over the States by the authorized 
civil agents of the government for the execution of these laws. Where such agents no 
longer exist any attempt at a forcible execution of the laws through any other channel 
is nothing more nor less than war; and the Constitution vests no power in Congress to 
declare war against any portion of this confederacy. If the Republican party will but 
do justice to the South, there will be no need of coercion. 

Resolved, That in our opinion, a satisfactory adjustment of the existing difficulties is 
only to be looked for from a direct submission to the people of some plan of settlement. 
the fundamental features of which shall contemplate the complete removal of the question 
of slavery from the Halls of Congress, and consequently from party platforms in the 
non-slaveholding States ; and shall thereby secure to the slave-holding States immunity 
from interference in their domestic concerns, guarantee to the people of those States full 
protection for their persons and their property in the common territories, and relieve 
them from the perpetual irritations of political anti-slavery. 

Resolved, That if the Republican party, as the party in power, shall refuse to extend 
some such reasonable offer of adjustment to the slave-holding States, they will render 
themselves distinctly liable to the charge that they have been deterred from houorablc, 
compromises by the fear of party ruin, and that they have preferred the desperate chance. 
of consolidating the North around a Republican administration by civil war, to, the peace- 



54 

of their country, to political justice and to the permanence of free institutions on this 
CDnthn 

R <■ ] ' ■' rine of coercion, deem it their 

duty to d rthal the resolutions of the State Legislature adi pted a1 the present ses- 

sion, i adering arms and aey to the federal government to i seceding States, 

tended directlj to involve the country in the horrors of civil war, and met with their 
just tn i a the hand of the President of the United States and of the Governors 

of the >m thej were transmitted. • 

Mr. Field moved ; i ■ adoption of the resolutions. 

A Member: Hike the tone of these words. The address is well expressed; the 
lutions well drawn irp: the tenor of the whole admirable. The misfortune is that 
this documenl was no1 presented earlier in the day. It strikes me that the only dispo- 
sition we can now make of them, after the adoption of the address and resolutions that 
were prepared by the Committee appointed for that purpose by the Convention, is to lay 
i on the table. I therefore move that this address, and the resolutions attached, be 
laid on the t.i ! le. 

I lovernor Seymour: I shall very readily second the motion of the gentleman, but 
with this understanding and this explanation, which I deem due to the gentlemen by 
whom and for whom this address is presented; I shall assume, in the very few words I 
li,: e to say, that this whole Convention has heard with much pleasure the very eloquent 
and patriotic expression of Democratic sentiment which has been read. It is an evidence 
that wherever Democrats meet together to compare views, their opinions will substan- 
tially be the same, and that they will agree in a crisis like this to adopt measures of 
compromise and peace, and to show to those who have been instrumental in bringing 
about the unhappy divisions which now distract the country, that we are unalterably 
opposed to all measures of coercion. I suppose that inasmuch as those gentlemen by 
whom this paper has been presented, were not present at our deliberations, they were 
desirous that we should know what the tenor of their thoughts had been, touching the 
subjects in which we all, as trusty Democrats, took so deep an interest. 

But, gentlemen, the time has come when we must separate — when the members of 
this great and important Convention must return to their respective homes. In consi- 
dering their avocations we must admit that they cannot, injustice to themselves, go 
over the ground which they have already traveled, in the discussion of these resolutions 
which are substantially the same as those that have already received our unanimous ap- 
proval. Nor do I suppose it to be the wish of our friends that this should be done. 
Their object, doubtless, is to show that in common with the other members of this Con- 
ion, they favor measures of compromise as the only means of staying the progress 
of revolution. [ Applause.] 

With these sentiments, and for the additional reason that it is impossible for us now 
to give proper attention to these resolutions, I would say, without any disrespect what- 
ever to the gentlemen who compose the Tammany delegation, (and who have come up 
at this moment to strengthen our hands and to show to the world that they are willing 
to lay aside their own personal feelings in order to promote the cause which we have all 
a1 heart,) — I say, gentlemen, that for these reasons it would be inadvisable to take up 
resolutions now offered^ and I therefore think that the motion to lay them on the table 
is a very proper disposition of them at this late hour of the day. [Cries of "certainly."] 

Mr. Field: If the gentlemen will allow me to make a few remarks by way of expla- 
nation. I will take the liberty of saying that the delegation for whom 1 speak, did not 
di ire to presenl these resolutions fot discussion at this late time. Their object in pre- 
senting them at all, was to show the Convention that they are the true representatives 



55 

of the Conservative people, and the Conservative spirit that animates and invigorates 
every throe and every pulsation of the great heart of New York — that we, acting from 
a sense of imperative duty, and controlled by reasons which we could not in any other 
manner overcome, desired to place on record this address and resolutions as our unani- 
mous expression of belief in this, the hour of peril, to our beloved country. 

And, therefore, Mr. President, if the gentleman will permit me, I propose to move 
that, instead of laying this address and resolutions on the table, they be entered on the 
Journal of the Convention and published in its proceedings. 

Gov. Seymour : If it be not out of place, I would suggest that the easiest way of dis- 
posing of the matter would be to lay it on the table ; for, if laid on the table, it, ipso facto, 
becomes part of the proceedings of the Convention. It was with that view, and, I pre- 
sume, with the approbation of the gentlemen by whom this address and the accompany- 
ing resolutions were offered, that I seconded the motion that they should be laid on the 
table. 

The motion to lay on the table was adopted without dissent. 

Ex-Chancellor Walworth offered the following : 

Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this Convention be presented to the 
venerable John J. Crittenden of Kentucky, for his patriotic exertions to save the people 
of the United States from the horrors of civil war. 

A Delegate wished fo amend the resolution by adding the name of Hon. Stephen A. 

Douglas. 

Cries of dissatisfaction were heard and the amendment was not pressed. 

The resolution in its original shape was adopted unanimously. 

Mr. DRIGGS offered the following : 

Whereas, a large edition of the proceedings of this Convention has been ordered pub- 
lished, 

Resolved, That the expense be defrayed by a contributionJrom the delegates. 

Mr. Samuel J. Tiluen moved the foUowin.u' : 

Resolved, That a Committee of Five be appointed by the Chair to correspond with 
Democrats and conservatives of other States on the Subject of a general Convention of 
the States to amend the Constitution of the Federal Government. • 

Judge Hart, of Westchester, moved the following : 

Resolved, That in the event of a failure of both the National and State Legislatures to 
adopt such measures as are suggested in the 6th resolution, this Convention again come 
together for such deliberation and action as the exigency may require, upon the call of 
the President. 

On motion of Mr. Driggs the State Committee were requested to prepare for publica- 
tion a full and complete report of the proceedings. 

The thanks of the Convention were then tendered to all the officers, and on motion of 
Ex-Chancellor Walworth the Convention resolved when it finally adjourned to adjourn 
subject to the call of the President. 

Judge Skinner, of Wyoming, moved that the thanks of the Convention be tendered 
to the Hon. Amasa J. Parker, for the dignified and impartial manner in which he 
presided over the deliberations of this Convention. 

The question was put by the Clerk, and the resolution adopted by acclamation. 

Judge Parker briefly returned his thanks to the Convention, and congratulated them 
on the successful termination of their labors, expressing the hope that through their 
efforts the Union would yet be saved. 

The President announced the following committees : 

To present the Kesolutions of the Convention to Congress and the State Legislature : 



56 

Hon. Horatio Seymour, Hon. R. H. Walworth, Gen. Ledyard, of Madison, 
Bishop Perkins and II. I). Barto. 

To memoralise the State Legislature: 

Hon. John Willard, Hon. A. C. Paige, J. H. Prentiss, D. A. Ogden, and George 

P. GUINNEP. 

To correspondent with other Slates: 

Eon. William Kelly, William Cassidy, J. B. Plumb, Lyman Tremain, and Ed- 
ward' Cooper. 

The Convention then adjourned, to meet again, according to the terms of the Reso- 
lution empowering the President to convene its members at his pleasure. 



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